Les anglonautes

About | Search | Grammar | Vocapedia | Learning | News podcasts | Videos | History | Arts | Science | Translate and listen

 Previous Home Up Next


Vocapedia > USA > Violence > Police misconduct, brutality, abuse, violence




A 1960s protest photo by Gordon Parks.



The Gordon Parks Foundation and Jack Shainman Gallery, New York.


'His work is a testament':

the ever-relevant photography of Gordon Parks


Thu 21 Jan 2021    17.07 GMT

Last modified on Thu 21 Jan 2021    17.17 GMT




















Clay Bennett

Editorial cartoon


April 17, 2016













































































Queen & Slim - Official Trailer        2019





Queen & Slim - Official Trailer        Video        Movie trailer        2019

















How Fictional Police Violence Impacts Real Lives        NYT        23 July 2018





How Fictional Police Violence Impacts Real Lives        Video        NYT News        23 July 2018


The Times’s assistant TV editor, Aisha Harris,

discusses how representations of police brutality in media

have changed.


She says shows like “Insecure” and “Queen Sugar”

sensitively deal with this issue

by focusing on the interactions’ emotional toll,

not the violence itself.


















The Hate U Give | Official Trailer        20th Century FOX        2018





The Hate U Give | Official Trailer        Video        20th Century FOX        2018


















A Conversation With Police on Race        NYT        12 November 2015





A Conversation With Police on Race        Video        Op-Docs        NYT        12 November 2015


In this short documentary,

former officers share their thoughts

on policing and race in America.







‘A Conversation With Police on Race’

Op-Docs    By GEETA GANDBHIR and PERRI PELTZ    NYT    NOV. 11, 2015
















Traffic Stop (TV)        Story Corps        7 July 2015





Traffic Stop (TV)        Video        Story Corps        7 July 2015


Alex Landau, an African American man,

was raised by his adoptive white parents

to believe that skin color didn’t matter.


But when Alex was pulled over

by Denver police officers one night in 2009,

he lost his belief in a color-blind world

—and nearly lost his life.


Alex tells his mother, Patsy Hathaway,

what happened that night

and how it affects him to this day.


Funding provided by: Corporation for Public Broadcasting

W.K. Kellogg Foundation In partnership with POV.

Directed by: Gina Kamentsky & Julie Zammarichi

Executive Producers: Donna Galeno, Dave Isay & Lizzie Jacobs

Producer: Rachel Hartman

Coordinating Producer: Roxana Petzold

Animation, Design & Production:

Gina Kamentsky & Julie Zammarichi

Audio Produced by: Jud Esty-Kendall

Original Music: Joshua Abrams


YouTube > StoryCorps
















The Counted        G        Playlist        2015





The Counted        The Guardian        Video        Playlist 2015
















USA > police misconduct / brutality / violence        UK / USA



























police-brutality-covid-19-and-overdoses-in-chicago-follow-the-same-deadly-pattern - June 5, 2020







































police accountability


new-jersey-law-says-criminal-cops-should-go-to-jail-records-reveal-they-often-dont - September 23, 2020








traffic stops










police violence














police abuse


the-nypd-is-withholding-evidence-from-investigations-into-police-abuse - August 17, 2020














use excessive force










use unreasonable force












excessive force












uses of excessive force










be mistreated











fabricate evidence






fear of the police















arrest > legality / police procedures






https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y6SjGBKYKRg - 21 July 2015









fabricate / manufacture a confession












rogue detective










police and race


watch?v=5Funraox29U - video - NYT - 12 November 2015










police > racism










systemic racism










racist cops










racist bigoted history in American policing




























The Interrogation That Led to Ricky Joyner’s Murder Charge    ProPublica    19 July 2019





Police Footage: The Interrogation That Led to Ricky Joyner’s Murder Charge        Video        ProPublica        19 July 2019


Ricky Joyner was not under arrest

when he came to the police station voluntarily

for questioning after his co-worker disappeared.


During more than two hours of interrogation,

Joyner repeatedly said he wanted to talk to a lawyer.


But police kept questioning him,

even after he asked to leave.


Joyner was later charged with his co-worker’s murder,

based largely on evidence seized after this interrogation.


When an Indiana judge saw the interrogation footage,

he dismissed the case,

finding the police had violated Joyner’s rights to an attorney.


But then the case got more complicated.


















be suspended












Corpus of news articles


USA > Violence > Police


Police misconduct, brutality, abuse, violence




Police Abuse Is a Form of Terror


AUG. 12, 2015

The New York Times

The Opinion Pages

Op-Ed Columnist


Writing about the wave of deadly encounters — many caught on video — between unarmed black people and police officers often draws a particular criticism from a particular subset of readers.

It is some variation of this:

“Why are you not writing about the real problem — black-on-black crime? Young black men are far more likely to be killed by another young black man than by the police. Why do people not seem to protest when those young people are killed? Where is the media coverage of those deaths?”

This to me has always felt like a deflection, a juxtaposition meant to use one problem to drown out another.

Statistically, the sentiment is correct: Black people are more likely to be killed by other black people. But white people are also more likely to be killed by other white people. The truth is that murders and other violent crimes are often crimes of intimacy and access. People tend to kill people they know.

The argument suggests that police killings are relatively rare and therefore exotic, and distract from more mundane and widespread community violence. I view it differently: as state violence versus community violence.

People are often able to understand and contextualize community violence and, therefore, better understand how to avoid it. A parent can say to a child: Don’t run with that crowd, or hang out on that corner or get involved with that set of activities.

A recent study by scholars at the Institution for Social and Policy Studies at Yale found that homicides cluster and overwhelmingly involve a tiny group of people who not only share social connections but are also already involved in the criminal justice system.

We as adults can decide whether or not to have guns in the home. According to a study in the Annals of Internal Medicine, having a gun may increase the chances of being the victim of homicide. We can report violent family members.

And people with the means and inclination can decide to move away from high-poverty, high-crime neighborhoods.

These measures are not 100 percent effective, but they can produce some measure of protection and provide individual citizens with some degree of personal agency.

State violence, as epitomized in these cases by what people view as police abuses, conversely, has produced a specific feeling of terror, one that is inescapable and unavoidable.

The difference in people’s reactions to these different kinds of killings isn’t about an exaltation — or exploitation — of some deaths above others for political purposes, but rather a collective outrage that the people charged with protecting your life could become a threat to it. It is a reaction to the puncturing of an illusion, the implosion of an idea. How can I be safe in America if I can’t be safe in my body? It is a confrontation with a most discomforting concept: that there is no amount of righteous behavior, no neighborhood right enough, to produce sufficient security.

It produces a particular kind of terror, a feeling of nakedness and vulnerability, a fear that makes people furious at the very idea of having to be afraid.

The reaction to police killings is to my mind not completely dissimilar to people’s reaction to other forms of terrorism.

The very ubiquity of police officers and the power they possess means that the questionable killing in which they are involved creates a terror that rolls in like a fog, filling every low place. It produces ambient, radiant fear. It is the lurking unpredictability of it. It is the any- and everywhere-ness of it.

The black community’s response to this form of domestic terror has not been so different from America’s reaction to foreign terror.

The think tank New America found in June that 26 people were killed by jihadist attacks in the United States since 9/11 — compared with 48 deaths from “right wing attacks.” And yet, we have spent unending blood and treasure to combat Islamist terrorism in those years. Furthermore, according to Gallup, half of all Americans still feel somewhat or very worried that they or someone in their family will become a victim of terrorism.

In one of the two Republican debates last week, Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina seemed to be itching for yet another antiterrorism war, saying at one point: “I would take the fight to these guys, whatever it took, as long as it took.”

Whatever, however, long. This is not only Graham’s position, it’s the position of a large segment of the population.

Responding to New America’s tally, Fareed Zakaria wrote in The Washington Post in July:

“Americans have accepted an unprecedented expansion of government powers and invasions of their privacy to prevent such attacks. Since 9/11, 74 people have been killed in the United States by terrorists, according to the think tank New America. In that same period, more than 150,000 Americans have been killed in gun homicides, and we have done … nothing.”

And yet, we don’t ask “Why aren’t you, America, focusing on the real problem: Americans killing other Americans?”

Is the “real problem” question reserved only for the black people? Are black people not allowed to begin a righteous crusade?

One could argue that America’s overwhelming response to the terror threat is precisely what has kept the number of people killed in this country as a result of terror so low. But, if so, shouldn’t black Americans, similarly, have the right to exercise tremendous resistance to reduce the number of black people killed after interactions with the police?

How is it that we can understand an extreme reaction by Americans as a whole to a threat of terror but demonstrate a staggering lack of that understanding when black people in America do the same?

Police Abuse Is a Form of Terror,
AUGUST 12, 2015,






George Whitmore Jr.,

Falsely Confessed

to 3 Murders in 1964,

Dies at 68


October 15, 2012

The New York Times



George Whitmore Jr., an eighth-grade dropout who confessed in 1964 to three New York murders that he did not commit, and whose case became instrumental in establishing historic legal reforms — including the Supreme Court’s 1966 “Miranda” ruling, which protects criminal suspects, and the partial repeal of capital punishment in New York State — died on Oct. 8 in a Wildwood, N.J., nursing home. He was 68.

The cause was a heart attack, his daughter Regina Whitmore said.

Mr. Whitmore was 19 in April 1964 when he was first picked up on a Brooklyn street, in Brownsville, for questioning about an attempted rape in the neighborhood the night before. A soft-spoken young man, he had grown up in a house in a junkyard that his father owned in Wildwood, N.J. He had tried hard in school but dropped out at 17, moved to Brooklyn and was waiting for a ride to work when the police pulled their car over and started asking him questions.

He would later tell interviewers that he had secretly been pleased at being asked for help in solving a crime, and at the prospect of having a good yarn to tell his friends.

But when his interrogation ended several days later, Mr. Whitmore had confessed to the attempted rape, and to the rape-murder a few weeks earlier of another woman in the neighborhood, Minnie Edmonds. He had also confessed to the double murder in Manhattan, on Aug. 28, 1963, of two women whose bodies were found bound and stabbed numerous times in the apartment they shared on East 88th Street.

Called “the Career Girl Murders” in newspaper headlines, the killings of Janice Wylie, 21, a researcher at Newsweek magazine, and Emily Hoffert, 23, a schoolteacher, had been the focus of an eight-month investigation.

Mr. Whitmore recanted his confession, and he consistently claimed afterward that the police had beaten him and that he had signed the confession without knowing what it was. He said he was innocent. And in the case of the Wylie-Hoffert slayings, he said, he could provide the names of a dozen people who saw him on that day and who would remember it, because it was the day of the civil rights march on Washington, when Martin Luther King Jr. gave his “I Have a Dream” speech. He and everybody else in Wildwood had watched it on television and talked about it incessantly, all day, he said.

In 1964, Mr. Whitmore was convicted by a Brooklyn jury on the charges of attempted rape. Though the verdict was overturned because jurors were found to have been reading newspaper accounts of the case, which referred to Mr. Whitmore as the “prime suspect” in the Career Girl Murders, he was tried a second time. He was convicted again, but the verdict was again thrown out, on different grounds.

By 1965, Manhattan prosecutors had evidence that Mr. Whitmore was wrongly accused in the Wylie-Hoffert murders. They had linked the brutal slayings to Richard Robles, a recently released prisoner who would later be convicted of the crime, and who remains in prison.

Still, while Mr. Whitmore now faced a second trial, in the murder of Ms. Edmonds, his indictment in the Wylie-Hoffert case remained in place. News accounts said that by refusing to dismiss the indictment, prosecutors hoped to deny Mr. Whitmore’s defense lawyers an argument: that the dismissal of the double-murder indictment proved it had been coerced, and that Mr. Whitmore’s confession to the Edmonds murder, elicited in the same long interrogation, had therefore been coerced, too.

Selwyn Raab, a reporter then for The New York World-Telegram and Sun, and later for The New York Times, had found a dozen witnesses who remembered seeing Mr. Whitmore in Wildwood on the day of the double murder. They had bumped into him in the homes of friends and relatives while watching Dr. King’s speech, Mr. Raab wrote in a front-page story in The World-Telegram.

“Whitmore’s case showed how fragile the whole system was, and still is,” Mr. Raab said in an interview on Sunday. “Even now, police use the same techniques to manipulate suspects into giving false confessions. And 90 percent of convictions are still based on confessions.”

The police and prosecutors at the time denied any misconduct. Legal reformers asked Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller, a Republican, to appoint a panel to investigate, but he declined.

Yet Mr. Whitmore’s legal troubles were far from over. With the Manhattan district attorney still refusing to clear him entirely in the Wylie-Hoffert case, Mr. Whitmore went to trial for the murder of Minnie Edmonds, solely on the evidence of his “confession.”

In the debate in the New York State Legislature over a proposal to abolish the death penalty, Mr. Whitmore’s case became a warning cry against the killing of innocents. “In Whitmore’s case,” said Assemblyman Bertram L. Podell of Brooklyn, “we have learned to our shock and horror that a 61-page statement of completely detailed confession was manufactured and force-fed to this accused.”

Governor Rockefeller signed a bill in 1965 abolishing capital punishment, except in the killing of police officers. (The death penalty was reinstated in 1995, and declared unconstitutional in 2004.) The Supreme Court cited Mr. Whitmore’s case as “the most conspicuous example” of police coercion in the country when it issued its 1966 ruling establishing a set of protections for suspects, like the right to remain silent, in “Miranda v. Arizona.”

Mr. Whitmore was tried several times in the murder of Ms. Edmonds, with each trial ending in a hung jury.

As a result of the various cases in which he had become entangled, he was in and out of prison, for months and years at a time, until April 10, 1973, when the Brooklyn district attorney, Eugene Gold, dismissed the last case against him — a retrial of the attempted rape case — with new evidence exonerating Mr. Whitmore. On his release from custody that day, Mr. Whitmore said that what he felt was “just beyond expressing,” adding “I’m not bitter. I appreciate greatly what the D.A. did.”

His life after prison was marked by depression and alcoholism, said T. J. English, author of “The Savage City: Race, Murder and a Generation on the Edge,” in which Mr. Whitmore’s life is chronicled.

Mr. Whitmore moved back to Wildwood, operated a commercial fishing boat for a time, and was later disabled in a boating accident. He was unemployed for long stretches.

Mr. Whitmore’s daughter Regina said he had children but never married.

Besides her, she said, his survivors include three other daughters, Aida, Sonya and Tonya, and two sons, George and James, all of whom have taken the name Whitmore, and more than 20 grandchildren.

“He told us about what happened to him,” she said. “But he said he never held it against anybody. He was always a very sweet man with us. He wanted us to grow up happy.”

This article has been revised

to reflect the following correction:

Correction: October 15, 2012

An earlier version of the headline with this article

incorrectly stated the number of murders to which

Mr. Whitmore confessed. It was three, not two.

George Whitmore Jr.,
Falsely Confessed to 3 Murders in 1964,
Dies at 68,










Related > Anglonautes > Vocapedia > USA


police shooting

Rayshard Brooks - June 12, 2020



police brutality

George Floyd    1973-May 25, 2020



police misconduct / brutality

Sandra Bland    1987-2015



police misconduct / brutality

Freddie Carlos Gray, Jr.    1989-2015



police misconduct / brutality

Eric Garner    1970-2014



violence, abuse, prostitution,

sexual violence, rape,

kidnapping, crime, police,

arrest, investigation, custody > USA



violence > guns > police shootings > USA



police shootings

Philando Castile shooting - July 6, 2016



police shootings

Tamir Rice shooting - November 22, 2014



police shootings

Laquan McDonald shooting - October 20, 2014



gun violence

Trayvon Martin shooting - February 26, 2012



police shootings

Clifford Glover shooting - April 28, 1973






slavery, race relations, racism, civil rights, apartheid



www > cyberbullying, online abuse / violence






Related > Anglonautes > Videos > Documentaries > USA


2020s > African-Americans


2010s > African-Americans






Related > Anglonautes > History > 17th-20th century > America, USA


20th century > Civil rights



17th, 18th, 19th, 20th century

English America, America, USA

Racism, Slavery,

Abolition, Civil war,

Abraham Lincoln



17th, 18th, 19th century

English America, America, USA




home Up