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grammaire anglaise > groupe nominal > syntaxe et sens


N + of + N


the day of judgement



énonciation première :

sortie du continuum discursif



effet d'annonce,

fiction du jamais dit,

exemplarité, symbole,


théâtralisation, historisation, sacralisation,

arrêt sur mot, focalisation, frontalisation,

divulgation, révélation,

analyse, jugement



l'énonciateur "déroule"

un énoncé "tapis rouge"

















































The Guardian        Review        p. 17        26.5.2007
















The Guardian        p. 30        26 January 2009
















The Guardian        Review        p. 24        19.5.2007
















The Guardian        Letters and emails        p. 45        6 December 2008























































































































The Guardian        p. 8        12.4.2007












































The Toll of Violent Anti-Abortion Speech


DEC. 1, 2015

The New York Times

The Opinion Pages | Op-Ed Contributor



HERE are some things abortion opponents have said about Robert L. Dear Jr., the shooter accused of killing three and wounding nine at the Planned Parenthood clinic in Colorado Springs last Friday. He was just a lunatic. He wasn’t attacking Planned Parenthood, he ran in there after trying to rob a bank. My personal favorite, from the Republican presidential candidate Sen. Ted Cruz: He is reported to be a “transgendered leftist activist.”

Given that Mr. Dear is said to have told the police “no more baby parts,” could the attack be related to the deceptively edited incendiary videos from the anti-abortion group Center for Medical Progress, which purport to show that Planned Parenthood sells fetal tissue for profit? Another Republican presidential contender, Carly Fiorina, called it “typical left-wing tactics” to connect them.

Who is she kidding? Since the videos appeared over the summer, there have been four arsons at or near Planned Parenthood clinics. Abortion providers say threats and harassment have increased as well. But then, disclaiming any connection with violence has a long history in the anti-abortion movement. Black Lives Matter activists are accused by some of promoting the murder of police officers, and every Muslim on earth is seemingly expected to condemn jihadi terrorism on practically a daily basis. Meanwhile, I’m not aware of any prominent abortion opponents who have publicly accepted responsibility for fomenting violence by using language that equates abortion with the Holocaust or murder on an industrial scale — atrocities that would seem to call for resistance by any means necessary.

In fact, even when deploring violence, opponents equate it with the practice of abortion. As Mike Huckabee, who is also seeking the Republican presidential nomination, said in the wake of the Colorado Springs shooting, “There’s no excuse for killing other people, whether it’s happening inside the Planned Parenthood headquarters, inside their clinics where many millions of babies die, or whether it’s people attacking Planned Parenthood.” Millions of dead babies versus “people attacking” a clinic? Which sounds like the greater evil to you?

Violence against abortion clinics and providers has been part of the so-called pro-life movement virtually since 1973, when the Supreme Court ruled in Roe v. Wade that abortion is a constitutionally protected right. The National Abortion Federation, the professional association of abortion providers, has recorded a staggering 6,948 acts of violence against clinics and providers between 1977 and 2014, including eight murders, 17 attempted murders, 42 bombings and 182 arsons.

Anti-abortion leaders portray violence as the doings of madmen, and probably some of the perpetrators are indeed unstable. But when prominent voices in the anti-abortion movement compare clinics to Auschwitz, when they equate embryos with slaves, when Bill O’Reilly says that people feel fetal tissue donation is “Nazi stuff” and Rush Limbaugh suggests the way to stop abortion is to “require that each one occur with a gun,” it is not surprising that susceptible people will act on what they hear as a call for violence.

Indeed, sometimes the call is explicit. The president of the anti-abortion group Operation Rescue, Troy Newman, who serves on the board of the Center for Medical Progress, views abortion as a capital crime and has called for the execution of abortion providers. His second in command, Cheryl Sullenger, was convicted of attempting to bomb a clinic. Has Mr. Newman been ostracized by mainstream abortion opponents? Not really. Mr. Cruz, on his website, declares himself “grateful” for Mr. Newman’s endorsement.

Law enforcement and the news media have been reluctant to call this continuing violence by its rightful name: terrorism. Is it because the perpetrators are generally white and Christian? Unless there’s a death, each incident gets little attention. It’s as if we take abusive anti-abortion tactics for granted. Most Americans probably have no idea how hostile anti-abortion “sidewalk counseling” outside clinics can be. There’s a reason pro-choicers volunteer to escort patients as they make their way past angry crowds to the clinic door.

Here is the dirty little secret about anti-abortion violence: It works. After Dr. George Tiller was assassinated in 2009, his clinic, in Wichita, Kan., closed. (A new clinic opened in the same location in 2013, though it offers a narrower range of services.) In Kalispell, Mont., the son of a prominent local abortion opponent destroyed All Families Healthcare, the only abortion provider in the area. It’s gone, too.

Most targeted clinics stay open, but there’s a toll. When I asked abortion providers how the threat of violence had affected the way they provided care, people listed everything from armed security guards and metal detectors to safe rooms and regular emergency drills. Technicians have to decide whether a patient’s elevated blood pressure is caused by a medical condition or from the anxiety of wading through a crowd of protesters shouting, “The doctors aren’t licensed!” and “You’ll die in there!” It can be hard to hire and keep staff when the job description includes feeling threatened every day. As one provider summed it up, “10 to 15 percent of our resources of time, talent and treasure are devoted to compensating for harassment and threats.”

To abortion opponents that’s all good news. But what about the rest of us? A majority of Americans, according to recent Pew data, believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases. Do we want to live in a country where extremists use violence to deny women legal health care, and people whose words may well spur them to action insist they have nothing to do with it?


Katha Pollitt is a columnist at The Nation and the author, most recently, of “Pro: Reclaiming Abortion Rights.”

A version of this op-ed appears in print on December 2, 2015, on page A31 of the New York edition with the headline: The Roots of Anti-Abortion Violence.

The Toll of Violent Anti-Abortion Speech,
NYT, DEC 1., 2015,






The Shooting of Samuel Dubose


JULY 29, 2015

The New York Times

The Opinion Pages

Op-Ed Columnist

Charles M. Blow


Samuel Dubose was a 43-year-old unarmed black man who was shot in the head and killed by a University of Cincinnati police officer, Ray Tensing, during a traffic stop a few blocks from campus.

Tensing stopped Dubose on July 19 because his car didn’t have a front license plate.

Some say Dubose’s face was “blown off.”

On Wednesday, Tensing was indicted on murder charges.

As the Hamilton County prosecutor, Joe Deters, said Wednesday, Tensing “purposefully killed” Dubose. “This is without question a murder.”

Deters called the stop a “chicken crap stop,” Tensing’s recounting of the events that led to the shooting “nonsense,” and the shooting itself “the most asinine act I’ve ever seen a police officer make.”

Authorities also released Tensing’s disturbing bodycam video of the stop and shooting.

In an exchange with the dispatcher just after the shooting, Tensing said: “I’m not injured. I almost got ran over by the car. He took off on me. I discharged one round, struck the man in the head.”

Indeed, the information report about the shooting repeats and even amplifies that claim. It reads: “Officer Tensing stated that he almost was run over by the driver of the Honda Accord and was forced to shoot the driver with his duty weapon.” It continues: “Officer Tensing stated that he fired a single shot. Officer Tensing repeated that he was being dragged by the vehicle and had to fire his weapon.”

The video proves that none of that happened. To watch that video is to be witness to an execution. What kind of person takes another person’s life so cavalierly? How little must an officer think of the person at the other end of the barrel to shoot him in the head when, per the video, there appears to be no threat?

NBC News reported that an annual review of Tensing described him as “extremely proactive” with traffic enforcement.

The NBC News report continued:

“It was unclear whether that was meant to be high praise or an indication that he was overzealous in his policing. But a supervisor said the officer, Ray Tensing, ‘only meets the standards when it comes to community service,’ according to records released by the university. The supervisor wrote that Tensing should interact with the public more outside of traffic enforcement to improve his demeanor.”

He joined the university police force a year ago and was generally well rated in his reviews.

There are some blessings in this tragedy.

The bodycam video was vital, and refuted the officer’s account. Also, the prosecutor moved quickly to charge the officer in the case.

But, even those steps in the right direction are not fully restorative.

Body cameras must be made mandatory countrywide. That will help with investigations after the fact, and may indeed alter behavior, but there is no full equipment fix for a personnel problem.

What is happening between police officers and people of color in this country is a structural issue and must be deconstructed as such. Cameras won’t change basic character.

This incident adds to a drumbeat of falling black bodies after interactions with police officers. It adds to distrust about officers’ accounts of what leads to these deaths. It adds to a corrosion of trust in the entire criminal justice system.

Police violence may not be the greatest threat of violence to black lives — community violence, sadly, surpasses it — but the disproportionate use of force by some officers against black and brown people does appear to be a specific — and very real — threat that must be addressed.

And the very idea that this violence is conducted by people acting as an arm of government, in your name but against your body, is too hard a pill to swallow. How can my taxes pay your salary while your actions drain blood from my body? How is it that I have to be afraid of cops as well as criminals? Whom do I turn to when the cops become the criminals?

How often must we hear the lamentations for justice emanate from dark faces streaked with tears and burning with a righteous rage?

Something has to give. The carnage must be abated. Trust must be restored.

What we are living through cannot continue. People cannot long shoulder this weight — nor should they be required to.

Police and criminal justice reform has to be a priority in our political actions now, and into the future. We cannot wait for interpersonal racial reconciliation to act to legally remedy systemic racial inequities.

As the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. once put it: “It may be true that the law cannot make a man love me, but it can keep him from lynching me, and I think that’s pretty important.”

There simply must be more protections for citizens in these cases. There must be!

This environment of death and distrust is a threat to the fabric of society and to democracy itself.

The Shooting of Samuel Dubose,
NYT, JULY 29, 2015,






The Death of Michael Brown

Racial History Behind the Ferguson Protests


AUG. 12, 2014

The New York Times

The Opinion Pages | Editorial



The F.B.I. may be able to answer the many questions surrounding the death of Michael Brown, an 18-year-old black student from Ferguson, Mo., who was a few days from heading off to college when he was shot by a police officer on Saturday. The shooting of Mr. Brown, who was unarmed, led to three days of protest, some of it violent, and several tense confrontations between residents of the St. Louis suburban town of 21,000 and the police.

But it doesn’t take a federal investigation to understand the history of racial segregation, economic inequality and overbearing law enforcement that produced so much of the tension now evident on the streets. St. Louis has long been one of the nation’s most segregated metropolitan areas, and there remains a high wall between black residents — who overwhelmingly have lower incomes — and the white power structure that dominates City Councils and police departments like the ones in Ferguson.

Until the late 1940s, blacks weren’t allowed to live in most suburban St. Louis County towns, kept out by restrictive covenants that the Supreme Court prohibited in 1948. As whites began to flee the city for the county in the 1950s and ’60s, they used exclusionary zoning tactics — including large, single-family lot requirements that prohibited apartment buildings — to prevent blacks from moving in. Within the city, poverty and unrest grew.

By the 1970s, many blacks started leaving the City of St. Louis as well. Colin Gordon, a professor at the University of Iowa who has carefully mapped the metropolitan area’s residential history, said black families were attracted to older, inner-ring suburbs like Ferguson in the northern part of the county because they were built before restrictive zoning tactics and, therefore, allowed apartments.

As black families moved into Ferguson, the whites fled. In 1980, the town was 85 percent white and 14 percent black; by 2010, it was 29 percent white and 69 percent black. But blacks did not gain political power as their numbers grew. The mayor and the police chief are white, as are five of the six City Council members. The school board consists of six white members and one Hispanic. As Mr. Gordon explains, many black residents, lacking the wealth to buy property, move from apartment to apartment and have not put down political roots.

The disparity is most evident in the Ferguson Police Department, of which only three of 53 officers are black. The largely white force stops black residents far out of proportion to their population, according to statistics kept by the state attorney general. Blacks account for 86 percent of the traffic stops in the city, and 93 percent of the arrests after those stops. Similar problems exist around St. Louis County, where earlier this year the state chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. filed a federal civil rights complaint alleging widespread racial profiling by police departments.

The circumstances of Mr. Brown’s death are, inevitably, in dispute. Witnesses said he was walking home from a convenience store when stopped by an officer for walking in the middle of the street, and they accused the officer of shooting him multiple times when his hands were raised over his head. The police said Mr. Brown had hit the officer. State and federal investigators are trying to sort out the truth.

What is not in dispute is the sense of permanent grievance held by many residents and shared in segregated urban areas around the country. Though nothing excuses violence and looting, it is clear that local governments have not dispensed justice equally. The death of Mr. Brown is “heartbreaking,” as President Obama said Tuesday, but it is also a reminder of a toxic racial legacy that still infects cities and suburbs across America.

A version of this editorial appears in print
on August 13, 2014,
on page A22 of the New York edition
with the headline:
The Death of Michael Brown.

    The Death of Michael Brown, NYT, 12.8.2014,






Sharp Warnings as Hurricane Churns In


October 28, 2012

The New York Times



Hurricane Sandy, a menacing monster of a storm that forecasters said would bring “life-threatening” flooding, churned toward some of the nation’s most densely populated areas on Sunday, prompting widespread evacuations and the shutdown of the New York City transit system.

Officials warned that the hurricane, pushing north from the Caribbean after leaving more than 60 people dead in its wake, could disrupt life in the Northeast for days.

New York went into emergency mode, ordering the evacuations of more than 370,000 people in low-lying communities from Coney Island in Brooklyn to Battery Park City in Manhattan and giving 1.1 million schoolchildren a day off on Monday. The city opened evacuation shelters at 76 public schools.

The National Hurricane Center said it expected the storm to swing inland, probably on Monday evening. The hurricane center reported that the storm had sustained winds of almost 75 miles an hour.

“We’re going to have a lot of impact, starting with the storm surge,” said Craig Fugate, the administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency. “Think, ‘Big.’ ”

The subway closing began at 7 p.m. to darken every one of the city’s 468 stations for the second time in 14 months, as officials encouraged the public to stay indoors and worked to prevent a storm surge from damaging tracks and signal equipment in the tunnels. A suspension of bus service was ordered for 9 p.m.

The closing this year seemed more ominous. The shutdown before Tropical Storm Irene last year began at noon on a Saturday, and service resumed before the workweek started on Monday. This time, officials warned, it might be Wednesday before trains were running again.

Another fear in the Northeast was that winds from the storm might knock down power lines, and that surging waters could flood utility companies’ generators and other equipment.

Forecasters said the hurricane was a strikingly powerful storm that could reach far inland. Hurricane-force winds from the storm stretched 175 miles from the center, an unusually wide span, and tropical storm winds extended outward 520 miles. Forecasters said they expected high-altitude winds to whip every state east of the Mississippi River.

President Obama, who attended a briefing with officials from FEMA in Washington called Hurricane Sandy “a big and serious storm.” He said federal officials were “making sure that we’ve got the best possible response to what is going to be a big and messy system.”

“My main message to everybody involved is that we have to take this seriously,” the president said.

The hurricane center said through the day on Sunday that Hurricane Sandy was “expected to bring life-threatening storm surge flooding to the mid-Atlantic Coast, including Long Island Sound and New York Harbor.”

The storm preparations and cancellations were not confined to New York.

Amtrak said it would cancel most trains on the Eastern Seaboard, and Philadelphia shut down its mass transit system.

In the New York area, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s commuter rail lines, which suffered the heaviest damage during Tropical Storm Irene, were suspended beginning at 7 p.m. on Sunday.

New Jersey Transit began rolling back service gradually at 4 p.m., with a full shutdown expected by 2 a.m.

The Staten Island Ferry was scheduled to stop running by 8:30 p.m., PATH trains at midnight.

The nation’s major airlines canceled thousands of flights in the Northeast. The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, which operates the three major airports in the New York City area, said it expected major carriers to cease operations entirely by Sunday evening. The Coast Guard closed New York Harbor — cruise ships were told to go elsewhere — and the Northeast faced the possibility of being all but shut down on Monday.

Federal offices in the Washington area will be closed; only emergency employees will be on the job. The Washington transit system — its Metrorail subway and its buses — will also be shut down.

The United Nations canceled all meetings at its headquarters in Manhattan.

Broadway shows were canceled on Sunday and Monday, as were performances at Carnegie Hall.

Schools in Baltimore, Boston and Washington called off classes for Monday.

Many public libraries said their reading rooms would be closed for the day, and parks department workers in Central Park told people to leave on Sunday and to stay away until the storm passed.

The New York Stock Exchange, which initially said its trading floor would be open on Monday, decided to close the floor and suspend all trading on Monday. The closing was the first caused by bad weather since Hurricane Gloria in 1985, although the opening bell has been delayed a number of times — once during a blizzard in January 1996 — and the exchange was closed for three days after the Sept. 11 attacks. The Nasdaq exchange also announced it would be closed Monday.

The hurricane center said the surges could reach 11 feet in New York Harbor, Long Island Sound and Raritan Bay in New Jersey — significantly higher than previous forecasts and significantly above the levels recorded during the tropical storm last year.

Forecasters said the water could top 8 feet from Ocean City, Md., to the border between Connecticut and Rhode Island. They predicted the waves would rise to 6 feet on the south shore of Cape Cod.

Hour after hour on Sunday, long before high tide, high waves pounded the dunes that protect the boardwalk in Rehoboth Beach, Del.

And in East Hampton, N.Y., where Mabel Harmon and her neighbors had spent the day tying down patio furniture, the wind was already “blowing like crazy,” she said Sunday afternoon.

Forecasters also warned that rain could saturate the ground and that trees could tumble across roads or onto power lines.

From North Carolina to Connecticut, officials declared emergencies and directed residents to leave areas near the shore.

Delaware ordered coastal communities evacuated by 8 p.m. Sunday.

In New Jersey, gamblers scrambled to play a few last rounds of blackjack before leaving the Atlantic City casinos under orders from Gov. Chris Christie.

He also ordered residents to leave barrier islands from Sandy Hook to Cape May.

In beachfront towns from North Carolina to New Jersey, the surf was spitting, and crews were rushing to build sand walls in places where the beaches had been rebuilt after 2011, when many places were hit by what was still Hurricane Irene.

In Red Hook, Brooklyn, many residents along the streets closest to New York Harbor were in their basements checking sump pumps.

Gino Vitale, a builder and landlord there, was delivering sandbags piled high in the back of his white Ford pickup truck to tenants along Conover Street, a block from New York Bay.

“We dodged most of it with Irene,” he said, referring to the storm that flooded basements in Red Hook but not much else. “I’m hoping we can do that again.”

For the most part, residents appeared to follow officials’ advice to stock up on bottled water, canned food and flashlights — so much so that stores ran low on batteries. Some gas stations in Connecticut had little gasoline left — no regular, and not much premium.

In a flood-prone neighborhood in Philadelphia, Michael Dornblum did something he did not do during Tropical Storm Irene or earlier storms that brought high water — he put 80-pound sandbags outside his family’s furniture store. In the past, he has lined them up only inside. He put the additional protection in place as employees prepared to lift carpets and sofas off the showroom floor. Some went to a storage area on the second floor.

Con Edison did not provide an estimate of how long customers in the New York City area might be without power if the storm played havoc with its network; by contrast, the parent company of Jersey Central Power and Light warned as long ago as Friday that repairs could take 10 days after the storm passed through. Another utility in New Jersey, the Public Service Electric and Gas Company, said that restoring power could take a week.

Forecasters said Hurricane Sandy could deliver something besides wind and rain: snow. That is because a system known as a midlatitude trough — which often causes severe winter storms — was moving across the country from the west. It was expected to draw in Hurricane Sandy, giving it added energy.

A blast of arctic air is expected to sweep down through the Canadian Plains just as the two storms converge. That could lead to several feet of heavy, wet snow in West Virginia and lighter amounts in Pennsylvania and Ohio that could bring down trees and power lines if already chilly temperatures drop below freezing.

The full moon on Monday could cause even greater flooding, because tides will be at their peak.

The possibility of a higher surge was one reason that Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg of New York ordered mandatory evacuations in low-lying areas, just as he did before Tropical Storm Irene. One city official said there was particular concern about Con Edison’s Lower Manhattan infrastructure, noting that if the storm surge washed over the bulkheads, it could damage the utility’s electrical and steam networks. If the surge runs as high as forecast, Con Ed will shut off two electrical networks in Lower Manhattan,

As for the subway shutdown, Mr. Bloomberg said that if the Metropolitan Transportation Authority had not suspended service, but instead had left itself vulnerable to the storm, the city would have risked being without its mass transit network for even longer.

“They do have to make sure that their equipment doesn’t get damaged,” Mr. Bloomberg said. “Otherwise we would not have subway trains when this is over or buses when it’s over.”

Joseph J. Lhota, the chairman of the authority, said he expected the transit systems to restore at least some service about 12 hours after the storm ended. But he warned that the city could be without mass transit for as many as two full work days. “I do think Monday and Tuesday are going to be difficult days,” Mr. Lhota said.

But while the mayor said schoolchildren could take Monday off, city workers could not: He said that city offices would be open for business.



Reporting on Hurricane Sandy
was contributed by Matt Flegenheimer,
John Leland, Colin Moynihan, Sharon Otterman,
William K. Rashbaum, Marc Santora, Sam Sifton,
Nate Schweber, Michael Schwirtz, Kate Taylor
and Vivian Yee from New York;

Angela Macropoulos from Fire Island, N.Y.;

Jeff Lebowitz and Michael Winerip
from Long Beach, N.Y.;

Sarah Maslin Nir from East Hampton, N.Y.;

Elizabeth Maker from Milford, Conn.;

Kristin Hussey from Stamford, Conn.;
Stacey Stowe from Yonkers;

Brian Stelter from Rehoboth Beach, Del.;
Matthew L. Wald from Washington;

and Jon Hurdle from Philadelphia.

Sharp Warnings as Hurricane Churns In,










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