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History > 2006 > USA > Gay rights (I)

 

 

 

Gay couples

take marriage fight to NY's top court

 

Wed May 31, 2006
8:50 PM ET
Reuters
By Holly McKenna

 

ALBANY, New York (Reuters) - New York State's highest court started hearing a case on Wednesday that gay rights activists hope will overturn as unconstitutional a state law defining marriage as the union of a man and a woman.

The New York case is one of several initiatives by gay rights activists across the United States where gay marriage has been a divisive issue in recent years, particularly in the 2004 presidential election.

"There are 46,000 families of same-sex couples with children in New York and there is no dispute they are stable families who are excluded from the benefits of marriage," said Roberta Kaplan, a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union who was representing many of the same-sex couples.

In more than two hours of argument before the State Court of Appeals, Kaplan said the court should change the state's ban on gay marriage just as in the past it threw out laws that had allowed marital rape and criminalized sodomy.

"Despite tradition, this court found that these laws were unconstitutional and didn't meet rational basis," she said.

Massachusetts is the only state to permit gays to marry, while Vermont allows same-sex couples the rights and benefits of marriage but calls them civil unions.

In the November 2004 election, ballot measures were passed in 11 states to ban gay marriages.

The New York case involves 48 gay and lesbian couples who filed four separate cases from across the state. The cases are being heard together by the court in Albany.

In one of the cases, couples were married by local clergy but denied marriage licenses at city hall.

Dan O'Donnell, an openly gay state lawmaker who brought one of the cases, was in the quiet but packed courtroom. He is the brother of entertainer Rosie O'Donnell, who married her lesbian partner in Massachusetts.

"We will prevail here," he said outside the courthouse. "It's the right and just thing to do."

Under 97-year-old state law, marriage is defined as between a man and woman. The same-sex couples claim the law violates their constitutional rights because it defends sex discrimination. They argue that the state constitution doesn't ban gay marriage and can be more loosely interpreted.

In February, the law was upheld in a lower appeals court, forcing the fight to the State Court of Appeals.

 

STATE LEGISLATURE

New York's Deputy Solicitor General Peter Schiff said it was a matter for the state legislature to change the law.

"The state said it was a case for the state legislature, but I think it's a case of discrimination that needs to be addressed," said Cindy Swadba, a lesbian who married her partner in Massachusetts and came to show her support.

Seventeen-year-old Alya Shain came from New York City with her parents, Jo-ann Shain and Mary Jo Kennedy, who will celebrate their 25th anniversary together in June. "These are my two parents and they have instilled values in me and they deserve the same rights as married people," Alya Shain said.

There was no sign of protesters against gay-marriage at the courthouse. Among groups that filed briefs ahead of the case, the Catholic Conference of New York State was one of the main opponents of same-sex marriage, along with other religious and family-based groups from around the nation.

Next month, Congress is set to introduce the Protection of Marriage Amendment. If the amendment is passed, a federal constitutional amendment will supersede any state laws.

    Gay couples take marriage fight to NY's top court, R, 31.5.2006, http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2006-06-01T001439Z_01_N31259092_RTRUKOC_0_US-RIGHTS-MARRIAGE.xml

 

 

 

 

 

Even deep in Dixie, gays sense acceptance

 

Posted 5/21/2006 12:12 AM ET
USA Today

 

BIRMINGHAM, Ala. (AP) — It's a Bible Belt state, almost certain to toughen its prohibition of gay marriage next month. A major candidate for governor has called homosexuality evil, and a national gay magazine branded Alabama the worst state for gays and lesbians. So why does Howard Bayless want to stay? Well, his roots are here, he says. So are his friends. He's partial to the congenial neighborhood in Birmingham that he and other gays helped rescue from decline.

"This is where I've carved out a niche for myself," says Bayless, who has spent most of his 40 years in Alabama. "We've created our community here, and I don't want to leave. I'd rather do the extra work of making my neighbors realize who and what I am."

Leader of Equality Alabama, a statewide gay-rights group, Bayless is one of many with the same conviction. In Mobile, Tuscaloosa and elsewhere, Alabama's gays and lesbians — like their counterparts throughout the U.S. heartland — are slowly, steadily gaining more confidence and finding more acceptance.

That doesn't mean relations between gays and other Americans are settled. Gay rights causes still endure their share of setbacks — amendments defining marriage as between one man and one woman have passed in 19 states and Alabama is poised to become No. 20 by an overwhelming vote on June 6.

But in the long view, there has been slow, powerful momentum building in the other direction: the quashing of anti-sodomy laws; the extension of anti-bias codes to cover gays; the adoption of domestic-partner policies by countless companies. Recent polls suggest opposition to gay marriage has peaked, and a proposed amendment to the U.S. Constitution banning it is expected to fall far short of the required two-thirds support when the Senate votes on it in early June.

"What Americans see increasingly is there's no negative impact on their own lives to have gays and lesbians living out in the open," said Joe Solmonese, president of the Human Rights Campaign. "They go from an abstract idea to a real person with a real name and a real story. That makes all the difference."

Kim McKeand and Cari Searcy experience that phenomenon daily in Mobile, where they live openly as a lesbian couple raising a son, Khaya, whom McKeand gave birth to in September.

"We're out to everybody," said Searcy, 30. "We know all the neighbors. Everyone else on our street is straight. They say 'Hey.' They all wanted to come over and see the baby."

The couple met at college in Texas and moved to Mobile five years ago with $1,000 between them and no jobs, but their careers have blossomed. Searcy works for a video production company, McKeand for a broadcaster that provides domestic partner health benefits covering them both.

"I know we have a long way to go, but we've come a long way already," Searcy said.

The couple loves Mobile — but might consider leaving if Searcy's application to become Khaya's adoptive parent is rejected in the courts.

"How can they say that we're not a family?" Searcy asked as she cradled Khaya in her arms.

The courts weren't accommodating to social worker Jill Bates, who lives in Birmingham with her lesbian partner. She lost custody of her daughter, now 16, to her ex-husband after a legal battle in which her sexual orientation was held against her.

Yet Bates remains undaunted.

"One thing that gives me hope is seeing all my daughter's friends, even some who go to a fundamentalist church," Bates said. "To them, it's just so not a big deal."

There are other signs of acceptance. An openly lesbian candidate, Patricia Todd, has a strong chance of winning a seat in Alabama's legislature this year — that would be a first. Mobile's recent Pride Parade drew upbeat local news coverage and only a handful of protesters. Gay-straight alliances are active at most universities; in the cities, if not the suburbs and small towns, gay-friendly churches are proliferating.

Those trends hearten gays and their allies, but concern Alabamians who support the same-sex marriage ban and believe homosexuality is sinful.

They are dismayed that same-sex partnerships are recognized in three New England states, they've resented the empathic portrayals of gays on "Will & Grace" and in "Brokeback Mountain" — and they wonder if states like Alabama can resist what Rev. Tom Benz calls "the erosion of traditional values."

"We're here in the Bible Belt, but all these things that happen around us affect us," said Benz, who combines mission work in Ukraine with presidency of the conservative Alabama Clergy Council. "There's a feeling here of, 'I want my country back.'"

Benz lives in Millbrook, a suburb of Montgomery, the capital. One of his political allies, from the nearby town of Eclectic, is Donna Goodwin, a school board employee who disputes the theory that familiarity with gays leads to support of gay rights.

"I have a lesbian cousin — I can continue to love her without approving of the way she leads her life," Goodwin said. "We see each other three or four times a year. We hug. We find out how each other is doing — but I don't ask her about her girlfriend."

Gay activists can readily list recent cases of anti-gay violence and harassment — incidents which contributed to Alabama's ranking as the least gay-friendly state in Out magazine. But Goodwin says most Alabamians, however conservative, strive for civility.

"We believe in hospitality — being kind to people whether you approve of their lifestyle or not," she said. "But the homosexual community is trying to force us into accepting something that's immoral. If they try to do that, we're going to consolidate and do something about it at the ballot box. We can say, 'This far and no farther.'"

One development that worries her is the increased visibility of gay rights causes at Alabama's colleges, including the University of Alabama, which her son attended.

"The university breaks down the moral values of children," she said. "It's like an open door to whatever is popular at the time — a hang-loose, do-your-own-thing attitude. It's asking for trouble."

At the campus in Tuscaloosa, political science department chairman David Lanoue doesn't see the kind of sweeping, pro-gay culture some may fear. But he does see young Alabamians — even those from conservative rural areas — getting messages they might not get at their local high schools and churches.

For example, he said, numerous faculty members display rainbow symbols at their offices, signaling they would provide an empathetic ear to any troubled gay or lesbian student.

"Young people have a more liberal attitude toward sexual preference than their elders," Lanoue said. "Through the national media, they've been brought up on the message that gays and lesbians are part of our society."

Ashley Gilbert, a sophomore at Birmingham-Southern College, knew by age 15 that she was a lesbian, but waited until reaching college to let her family in Montgomery know.

"My brother's still in the high school I went to — he's on the football team, but there's been no hassle from his teammates," she said. "He's very supportive. He wants to know when I'll get married and have kids so he can be an uncle."

At college, Gilbert is president of the gay-straight alliance and proud that more than half its members are straight.

"Everything that sticks out since I came out has been really positive," she said.

Not all young Alabamians find coming out so comfortable.

Patty Rudolph, wife of a doctor in the affluent Birmingham suburb of Mountain Brook, said her son knew by age 12 that he was gay, told his family when he was 14, and by 16 choose to go to school in the Northeast because he felt — despite his family's support — that Alabama was too inhospitable.

The son is now 18 and returns home periodically, reconnecting with friends and family.

"He loves to see us, but after a couple of days he says, 'I need to get out of here,'" Rudolph said. "There's no overt ugliness. But he has a sense it isn't as open and welcoming a place as he wants it to be."

Since her son left, Rudolph has plunged into a new world of activism, doing what she can to make Alabama a state he would one day want to stay in. She speaks at forums and heads the Birmingham chapter of a national support group, Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays.

"By telling my family's story, it has a ripple effect. It humanizes the issue," she said.

Rudolph describes herself as impatient but hopeful — buoyed by support from even the most conservative of her close friends, and by encounters such as one with a young bank officer who casually asked Rudolph about her advocacy group, scanned a pamphlet, then told her, "This is wonderful, what you're doing."

It's moments like that which make Rudolph believe that the push for gay rights can't be held back. "I think the train has left the station," she said. "It's not moving fast enough for me — but it's happening. I'm seeing it change."

Suzanne Cleveland, office manager for a Mobile law firm, has followed a similar path since her son came out a decade ago.

"It was hard for me at first — I wanted to get over the knot in my stomach — but now I make a point of telling people my son is gay," she said. "I have not lived the life I thought I would, but I wouldn't trade it for anything. It's been wonderful."

Among Cleveland's many gay friends is Charles Smoke, community development director for the Mobile Arts Council and a resident of the port city since 1970.

"I've never made a secret of my orientation and I've never encountered in all this time any kind of hostility," he said. "We're not that far behind. It makes me feel it's not so bleak, that we're not living in a monstrous place."

Activists say the sternest anti-gay rhetoric comes mainly from evangelical pastors and politicians. Among them is Republican gubernatorial candidate Roy Moore, who was ousted as state chief justice after refusing to remove a Ten Commandments monument he had placed in the judicial building.

Moore has many fans and many critics, including Birmingham city councilor Valerie Abbott. After the judge wrote in a court ruling that homosexual conduct is "abhorrent, immoral, detestable," Abbott persuaded the council to condemn those assertions.

"I expected to get hate mail from the crazies — it didn't happen," she said.

Her district includes Howard Bayless' neighborhood, the formerly rundown Crestwood area. "Gay people came in and took to that area and made it a wonderful place," Abbott said.

Like Bayless, she firmly believes gay rights will come to Alabama, albeit slowly and with minimal help from the statehouse.

"Our legislature is like no other place on earth — it's stuck back in the dark ages," she said. "But Alabama is changing, like the rest of the country is changing. Like every new idea, it takes a while to absorb."

Rev. Jim Evans, a Baptist minister in Auburn, received numerous thank-you notes from gay-rights supporters after he wrote a newspaper column criticizing the ban-gay-marriage ballot item as an unnecessary and cynical attempt to frighten voters.

Evans hasn't endorsed gay marriage, and he knows opposition to it is deep-seated. But he also sees change coming as Alabamians such as Bayless, Cari Searcy and Patty Randolph expand the conversation about gays' place in the state.

"In the South, where we don't talk about unpleasant things, that trend has forced us to talk about it more," Evans said. "Once you begin to talk about a prejudice, it begins to die."

    Even deep in Dixie, gays sense acceptance, UT, 21.5.2006, http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-05-21-gay-tide_x.htm

 

 

 

 

 

Same-Sex Marriage Amendment Is Struck Down by Georgia Judge

 

May 17, 2006
The New York Times
By SHAILA DEWAN

 

ATLANTA, May 16 — A state amendment banning same-sex marriage was struck down Tuesday by a judge who upheld the voters' right to limit marriage to heterosexual couples but cited procedural flaws in the wording of the amendment, which was approved by more than three-quarters of voters.

The decision is one of the first successful challenges to a ban on same-sex marriage, one of a spate of similar amendments passed in 11 states in November 2004, said Jack Senterfitt, a senior staff lawyer in the Southern regional office of Lambda Legal, a national gay rights group.

Lambda Legal filed the suit along with the American Civil Liberties Union of Georgia. Besides Georgia, 18 states have such laws, a spokeswoman for Lambda Legal said.

The Georgia amendment defined marriage as between a man and a woman, banned same-sex civil unions and said that same-sex unions performed in other states would not be recognized. The judge, Constance C. Russell of Fulton County Superior Court, ruled that the amendment violated Georgia's single-subject rule, which limits each amendment put before voters to one topic.

"People who believe marriages between men and women should have a unique and privileged place in our society may also believe that same-sex relationships should have some place, although not marriage," the judge wrote. "The single-subject rule protects the right of those people to hold both views and reflect both judgments by their vote."

Mr. Senterfitt said he expected the ruling to be appealed.

    Same-Sex Marriage Amendment Is Struck Down by Georgia Judge, NYT, 17.5.2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/17/us/17georgia.html

 

 

 

 

 

From TV Role in 'Dobie Gillis' to Rights Fight in Legislature

 

May 14, 2006
The New York Times
By JESSE McKINLEY

 

SAN FRANCISCO, May 13 — Sheila Kuehl has done a few things that someday may merit mention in the history books: more than a decade in the California Legislature, a public crusade against domestic violence and a stint as the tenacious busybody Zelda on the classic sitcom "The Many Loves of Dobie Gillis."

But if such immortality were to happen, Ms. Kuehl says, she would want one fact listed with the rest of her accomplishments: she is gay.

So this year, Ms. Kuehl, a state senator representing western Los Angeles, introduced a bill to assure that lesbians and gay men get what she feels is their due in California textbooks. The bill, which passed the Senate on Thursday and is now headed to the Assembly, would forbid the teaching of any material that "reflects adversely on persons due to sexual orientation," and add the "age appropriate study of the role and contributions of people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender."

For Ms. Kuehl, 65, the bill seems to have as much to do with school security as it does with the A B C's.

"One of the things that contribute to a safe or unsafe environment for kids are the teaching materials," Ms. Kuehl said. "If you have teaching material that didn't say anything at all about gay and lesbian people, it is assumed that they never did anything at all. But if it said anything about gay and lesbian people, the whole atmosphere of the school was safer for gay and lesbian kids, or those thought to be gay and lesbian."

At a time when same-sex marriage is a polarizing presence in the courts and in voting booths across the country, any issue dealing with gay rights is bound to cause a fluster, and this bill is no exception. The Capitol Resource Institute, a conservative organization, labeled the proposal "the most outrageous bill in the California Legislature this year."

Concerned Women for America, a Christian public policy group, filed a letter with the Senate suggesting that such studies were the domain of the home, not the schools.

Cindy Moles, the state director of Concerned Women for America, said the bill was trying to indoctrinate children to "dangerous sexual lifestyles" and was unnecessary from an educational standpoint.

"We don't need to list all the behavior of historical figures," Ms. Moles said. "Certainly not their sexual behavior."

Representatives for Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger declined to comment on the bill, as did Jack O'Connell, the state superintendent of public instruction.

Ms. Kuehl says she traces her quest to include material on gay figures in textbooks to her days as a student in Los Angeles public schools in the late 1940's and early 50's.

"When I was a kid, there were no women in the textbooks, no black people, no Latinos," she said. "As far as I knew, the only people who ever did anything worthwhile were white men."

Ms. Kuehl said the practical applications of the law would be limited to including the accomplishments of gay figures in textbooks and class studies alongside those of other social and ethnic groups. For example, a teacher talking about Langston Hughes would not only mention the fact that he was a black poet, but also mention his sexuality, Ms. Kuehl said.

If the law were to pass, new textbooks probably would not hit desks until 2012, by which time Ms. Kuehl, who is recognized as the state's first openly gay legislator, might merit a mention or two. What might she like it to say?

"I'd like to be remembered as a person that fought for civil rights and social justice," she said.

But what of "Dobie Gillis"? "I'm proud of that work, too," she said.

    From TV Role in 'Dobie Gillis' to Rights Fight in Legislature, NYT, 14.5.2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/14/us/14gays.html

 

 

 

 

 

California okays lessons on gays in textbooks

 

Thu May 11, 2006 7:57 PM ET
Reuters

 

SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - California's state Senate passed a bill on Thursday that would require textbooks in public schools to instruct students on contributions by gays and lesbians in the state's development.

The Democrat-led state Senate passed the bill on a 22-15 vote and forwarded it to the state Assembly.

The bill by Sen. Sheila Kuehl, the legislature's first openly gay member, would also mandate public school textbooks to include lessons on contributions by transgender people.

Kuehl told Reuters she believes her bill is the first of its kind at the state level and predicted it would win support in the Assembly, where Democrats also have a majority.

"I think it has a very good chance in the Assembly because its members voted for marriage equality," Kuehl said, referring to the chamber's endorsement of same-sex marriage. "I think this is a lot easier vote."

"It would help to shape attitudes of what gay people are really like," Kuehl said, noting their absence in state history textbooks.

Karen England of the conservative Capitol Resource Institute said in a statement the bill "seeks to indoctrinate innocent children caught in the tug-of-war between traditional families and the outrageous homosexual agenda."

A spokesman said Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger has not taken a position on Kuehl's bill.

    California okays lessons on gays in textbooks, R, 11.5.2006, http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=politicsNews&storyID=2006-05-11T235723Z_01_N11352907_RTRUKOC_0_US-RIGHTS-GAYS.xml

 

 

 

 

 

Cheney's daughter on family dinners, Kerry and coming out

· Book outlines battles with Republicans on gay rights
· Father accepts lesbianism and supports relationship

 

Wednesday May 10, 2006
Guardian
Suzanne Goldenberg in Washington

 

For much of the world, the bald man with the crooked smile is a scary figure who operates in the shadows of a superpower, dragging the US into wars, defending torture, making oil companies rich. For Mary Cheney, he's just dad.

In a memoir published yesterday the second daughter of Vice-President Dick Cheney gives her version of what it is like to be the child of one of America's most powerful men, and what it is like to be a lesbian and senior political operative in a party opposed to gay rights.

In the literature of White House offspring, Now it's My Turn: A Daughter's Chronicle of a Political Life bears no resemblance to the angry exposι by Patti Davis, Ronald Reagan's daughter, who described her father as remote and her mother as abusive.

Ms Cheney's tightly controlled account of life in high places is one of happy families. The vice-president is a cuddly, good-humoured man, who liked to talk fly fishing, not politics, at the dinner table, and who, when she came out at the age of 16, reacted by telling his daughter that he loved her. So did her mother, though she burst into tears first. They also love her partner of 16 years, Heather Poe.

It was as the vice-president's lesbian daughter that Ms Cheney became known to the broader American public when she essentially ran his 2004 re-election campaign. She was also involved in the 2000 race, but at that time her mother, Lynne Cheney, was saying in public that her daughter had not come out as a lesbian. By the time of the 2004 elections the Republicans were using their opposition to gay marriage to win votes.

Homosexual rights were an election issue, and so was Ms Cheney's sexuality as she worked to restore an administration opposed to gay marriage to the White House. Republicans were denouncing gays and lesbians as "selfish hedonists".

Ms Cheney admits her discomfort with that position. She writes that she had planned to be in the gallery for the president's state of the union speech in 2004, but cancelled when she saw a text in which he pledged to defend the sanctity of heterosexual marriage.

"I didn't want to be there when the members of the House and Senate and all the invited guests applauded the president's declaration," she writes. "I sure wasn't going to stand up and cheer."

Later, when President Bush decided to endorse a constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage, Ms Cheney remained silent. Her father, in one of the presidential debates, said he did not agree with the amendment. In the book, Ms Cheney calls it "fundamentally wrong - and a gross affront to gays and lesbians everywhere". "Society may not recognise gays and lesbians as deserving of the same rights and protections as other citizens, but nowhere in the constitution are they specifically excluded from having them," she writes. "The Federal Marriage Amendment would change that."

She says she thought about returning home to Colorado when Mr Bush came out in support of the amendment. But she did not, and she rejected the president's offer to issue a dissenting statement. Instead, she reserved her greatest anger for the Democratic challenger, John Kerry, who referred to her sexuality in one of the debates.

"She herself called him a profanity, she recounts with relief," the Washington Post said yesterday.

 

 

 

In the spotlight

 

Barbara and Jenna Bush

The 25-year-old twin daughters of George and Barbara have made headlines as socialite party girls: Jenna once carried fake ID and was photographed after falling on the floor of a student party, while Barbara eluded her secret service bodyguards at university to go out drinking

 

Chelsea Clinton

The only child of Bill and Hilary was 12 when her father was elected. Although uneasy in the public eye at first, Chelsea, right, soon wowed the press. She gave her first political speech in November 2004 with five other prominent daughters as part of a last-minute campaigning tactic by the Democratic party.

Luc Torres

    Cheney's daughter on family dinners, Kerry and coming out, G, 10.5.2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,,1771332,00.html

 

 

 

 

 

A Gay Soap (and Soapbox) in the Bronx

 

May 7, 2006
The New York Times
By MANNY FERNANDEZ

 

It's tough being a drag queen. It's even tougher being a drag queen in the Bronx. You get no respect. You can count the gay-friendly bars on one hand. But at least one night a week, at precisely 11 p.m., you have one thing to call your own.

A soap opera.

Every Saturday evening, one of the longest-running programs on Bronx public access television entertains and confounds viewers with a 30-minute burst of gender-bending camp and low-budget intrigue. The television show is called "Strange Fruits," and it is everything the Bronx is not — flamboyantly irreverent, unabashedly gay and teeming with men in high heels and pantyhose. It is like "Dynasty," if "Dynasty" starred mostly untrained, unpaid actors and followed the exploits of a transsexual Southern belle turned Bronxite with a knack for stealing babies, poisoning people and cursing.

"Strange Fruits," which first went on the air in 1997, has become one of the few public displays of homosexuality in a blue-collar borough that is a bastion of Latin machismo. None of the borough's movie theaters bothered showing "Brokeback Mountain." There has not been a gay pride parade here in years. Yet, each Saturday on Channel 68 on BronxNet, the public-access station, "Strange Fruits" pops up on television screens, courtesy of Eric Stephen Booth.

Mr. Booth, the show's director, writes outlandish parts for his straight, gay, lesbian and transsexual friends and acquaintances, creating a convoluted soap opera universe that, almost by accident, has given the borough's small gay population its zaniest, boldest advertisement for itself. Some gay communities have produced vibrant neighborhood enclaves, cultural organizations and nightclubs. The Bronx, for the most part, has "Strange Fruits."

"It's about crazy drag-queen, transgender, gay people, straight people, living in the Bronx," said Mr. Booth, 54, a gay Bronx playwright and actor who videotapes and edits the show in his off-hours, when he's not doing marketing research for two Connecticut newspapers. "The 'Strange Fruit' world has no gender. Miss Onassis, who had the baby, is a drag queen. But in 'Strange Fruit,' she can get pregnant and have babies. There's no logic. The reality is really weird."

The main star is Billie M. Nelson, a transsexual Bronx resident and mental health counselor who plays Miss Bebe Montana, a seductive villainess with a Southern drawl on the prowl for a man and money. The previous star was James Monaghan, 49, a former Dolly Parton and Bette Midler impersonator who lives in the Bronx. His character, Miss Brandy Alexander, was killed off the show so he could spend more time with his ailing mother. Now Mr. Monaghan has a smaller role, the streetwise "baby detective" named Jeffrey (as in Dahmer, the serial killer and cannibal) Cunanan (as in Andrew, who murdered Gianni Versace).

"We just have a ball," said Mr. Monaghan, a records clerk for a city agency. "It's ours. If people don't like it, we don't care."

There have been dozens of other supporting and cameo roles over the show's 40-episode run. Vampira is played by a boisterous drag queen named Jaimee L. Sommers ("I stole the name from the Bionic Woman," he explained). Robert Preston, a coffee bar manager and Bronx resident who stars as the black-wig-and-eye-patch-wearing Cockney Dai, said television — specifically, the 1970's series "Welcome Back, Kotter" — was crucial to his sexual awakening. "I had a crush on Travolta," he said.

Viewers never know what — or who — might turn up on "Strange Fruits." Paul Lipson is well known in the borough as the chief of staff for Josι E. Serrano, the Bronx congressman; as the former executive director of the Point, a community group; and as his "Strange Fruits" alter ego, the corrupt Councilman Mark Davenport. Majora Carter, executive director of the environmental group Sustainable South Bronx, has also been on the show.

"He is our Fellini," Mr. Lipson, one of a handful of straight people involved in the show, said of Mr. Booth. "He had this burning desire to do this, with no money and no resources and with people who are his friends. It's a great little snapshot of a moment in the history of the Bronx."

Cablevision, the cable provider that hosts BronxNet, reaches about 270,000 households in the borough. But it is anyone's guess as to how many watch Mr. Booth's show, because BronxNet has no way of tracking a program's viewership. The show's cast members say they are occasionally recognized by strangers, and Mr. Booth, whose show won two BronxNet awards in 2001, said he had received a number of comments and phone calls over the years from random fans. Nonfans, too.

Mr. Booth was at home one Saturday night a few years ago when his phone rang, he said. "You should be ashamed of yourself," the caller said.

"Strange Fruits" is also broadcast the first Friday of the month on the Manhattan Neighborhood Network and the third Wednesday of the month on Queens Public Television. In the Bronx, the program has lately been in reruns, shown in no particular order, making it almost impossible for new viewers to make sense of a rather complicated plot line of double-crossings and dalliances, one more reason the show is a kind of brilliant mess.

One of the reasons the plot has taken so many twists is not because of Mr. Booth's love of melodrama, but because he uses ordinary people instead of actors.

Some have moved away, some have been too busy to make a taping and some have just been hard to reach. Many of the show's characters are members of Gay Men of the Bronx, a group founded in 1990.

Mr. Booth describes his soap opera as community theater on video, in the style of "The Benny Hill Show." Indeed, his dialogue is peppered with enough sexual innuendo to make the girls from "Sex and the City" blush. There is also crotch-grabbing, man-to-man French kissing, anatomical insults and drag-queen screaming matches.

The man responsible for all this outrageousness is not very outrageous himself. Mr. Booth is a soft-spoken Brooklyn native who also directs a Spanish and English gay-themed talk show on BronxNet, "Fruta Extraρa," Spanish for "Strange Fruit."

He used to work on Wall Street, on the trading floor of the American Stock Exchange. He has never been one to cause a scene, other than the time he drank too much at the Exchange, was dragged out by the police and woke up the next day in Bellevue Hospital Center, tied to a bed. He went through rehab and was allowed to keep his job.

One recent Sunday afternoon, Mr. Booth and his cast met at the Bronx Academy of Arts and Dance in Hunts Point, a performing arts center that is a hub for the gay community in the Bronx. It felt more like a family reunion than a soap opera set. Madame Zelda made chocolate cake.

Miss Bebe, in keeping with being the star, showed up late and took forever to get dressed. She sat in a back room of the dance studio, as Miss Onassis, a buff and tattooed Christopher Jones, applied makeup to her face.

Ms. Nelson, the transsexual who plays Miss Bebe, enjoys improvising her dialogue, especially the parts that call for clever R-rated insults. She is not from the South, but she is from the South Bronx. "I tried to play it virginal," Ms. Nelson said of Miss Bebe. "I really did."

Mr. Booth forgot to e-mail the script to one of his actresses. He had a funeral scene to tape, but the actor who played Miss Bebe's deceased fourth husband was not around, so he persuaded a friend to fill in, and had him lie down on some tables, since a coffin was out of the question.

He had to reshoot a scene several times because one cross-dressing diva was having trouble being a mere extra. Mr. Monaghan, or Jeffrey Cunanan, sat back on a chair, taking it all in, waiting for his big scene, which called for him to rough up Cockney Dai in the hallway.

"This," he said with a sigh, "is very strange."

    A Gay Soap (and Soapbox) in the Bronx, NYT, 7.5.2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/07/nyregion/07access.html

 

 

 

 

 

4 Proposals on Same-Sex Unions Compete for Favor of Coloradans

 

May 7, 2006
The New York Times
By KIRK JOHNSON

 

DENVER, May 6 — Colorado is set to become a bruising and confusing battleground over marriage and same-sex unions this year, with up to four conflicting proposals competing for a spot on the November ballot.

So far, the only proposal with a guaranteed place on the ballot — approved on Thursday by the state House of Representatives and sent directly to the voters — is the Domestic Partnership Benefits and Responsibilities Act, known as 1344 for its bill number in the Legislature.

It would give same-sex partners many rights of married couples, including the ability to adopt each other's children and to make medical decisions on the other's behalf.

After that things become more complicated.

Opponents of 1344 have mounted an effort to get enough voter signatures for a proposed amendment to the state Constitution that would short-circuit the Partnership Act, by barring legal recognition of any status "similar to marriage."

A third proposal would attack 1344's attackers. The sponsors of that proposal want to enshrine in the Constitution a statement intended to protect the Partnership Act by declaring that such unions are not "similar to marriage." A fourth ballot proposal would strengthen the law banning same-sex marriage by putting that ban into the Constitution.

"Clear as mud, right?" said Sean Duffy, a spokesman for Coloradans for Fairness and Equality, which supports 1344.

At least six other states — Idaho, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Virginia and Wisconsin — are offering similar proposals.

Colorado's discussion is messier because it has one of the lowest thresholds for direct citizen participation. Signatures of only 5 percent of the people who cast votes for the secretary of the state in the last election are required to get a constitutional proposal on the ballot — about 68,000 people this year.

Most of the 17 other states that allow direct petition for constitutional amendments require signatures of 8 percent to 15 percent of voters in a past election.

People involved in the petition process said that competing efforts would surely make for a tougher fight through the summer and fall.

Television advertising has already begun for 1344, including a spot showing a distraught-looking man pacing a hospital corridor, frozen out of making medical decisions for his male partner, the announcer says, because Colorado does not recognize their relationship.

Opponents of 1344 say it basically creates gay marriage while avoiding the phrase.

People on both sides say that no matter what voters do a court fight is likely, if only to define "similar."

Kevin Lundberg, a Republican legislator who is fighting the Partnership Act with his proposal to ban "similar" conditions to marriage, said his effort would give voters "a very thorough range" to weigh in on.

Mr. Lundberg opposed 1344 in the Legislature, but conceded that having it on the ballot would help in gathering signatures for his effort. The deadline for petitions is Aug. 7.

A spokesman for Coloradans for Marriage, which is backing a constitutional amendment defining marriage as between a man and a woman — with support of conservative groups like Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs — said that 1344 would probably galvanize conservative voters in some places.

"Some segments just want the marriage amendment passed and don't care about the domestic partnership stuff," said Jon Paul, the group's executive director.

    4 Proposals on Same-Sex Unions Compete for Favor of Coloradans, NYT, 7.5.2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/07/us/07ballot.html

 

 

 

 

 

Gay fairy tale sparks civil rights debate

 

Mon Apr 24, 2006 8:27 PM ET
Reuters
By Jason Szep

 

LEXINGTON, Massachusetts (Reuters) - The crown prince rejects a bevy of beautiful princesses, rebuffing each suitor until falling in love with a prince. The two marry, sealing the union with a kiss, and live happily ever after.

That fairy tale about gay marriage has sparked a civil rights debate in Massachusetts, the only U.S. state where gays and lesbians can legally wed, after a teacher read the story to a classroom of seven year olds without warning parents first.

A parents' rights group said on Monday it may sue the public school in the affluent suburb of Lexington, about 12 miles west of Boston, where a teacher used the book "King & King" in a lesson about different types of weddings.

"It's just so heinous and objectionable that they would do this," said Brian Camenker, president of the Parents Rights Coalition, a conservative Massachusetts-based advocacy group.

Camenker said he believes the school, Joseph Estabrook Elementary, broke a 1996 Massachusetts law requiring schools to notify parents of sex-education lessons. "There is no question in my mind that the law is being abused here," he said.

"I wouldn't be surprised if in the next couple of weeks there was some kind of (legal) action taken," he said.

Lexington Superintendent of Schools Paul Ash said the school was under no legal obligation to inform parents the book would be read to the classroom of about 20 children.

"This district is committed to teaching children about the world they live in. Seven-year-olds see gay people. They see them in the schools. They see them with their kids," he said.

"I see this as a civil rights issue. People who are gay have a right to be treated equally," he said.

"If it were North Carolina, this would be a whole different story. But the law in Massachusetts is that gay marriage is legal. We have lots of gay families in Lexington."

The issue erupted in Lexington when parent Robin Wirthlin complained to the school's principle after her 7-year-old son told her about the reading last month. She then turned to the Parents Rights Coalition, which released a statement on the issue to Boston media last week.

Since then, Ash has been swamped by e-mails on the issue from across the country, some in support but many written in anger including one from a North Carolina man who threatened "to beat his head into the ground", he said.

"I handed that one to the police," said Ash.

 

CULTURAL DIVIDE

The issue underscores a growing cultural divide over the issue of gay rights at a time when legal challenges seeking permission for gays and lesbians to marry are pending in 10 states. Two U.S. states have legalized civil unions.

It also comes as California considers introducing school textbooks highlighting the role of gays in its history.

Some legal scholars said the depth of emotion on the issue nationwide means educators should include parents in the debate on exactly when to start educating children on homosexuality.

"There is a difference between what is required and what is the right thing to do," said Charles Haynes, senior scholar at the First Amendment Center, which produces guidelines for schools and teachers on issues such as same-sex marriage.

"Some people believe that we are moving toward a kind of normalization of homosexuality as part of the fabric of our life. Others believe we are going in the other direction. Because we are now in a fork in the road where we are debating this, public schools are not the place to settle it," he said.

"King & King" was ranked eighth among the top 10 books people wanted removed from libraries in 2004, according to the American Library Association. Its Berkeley, California publisher, Tricycle Press, said complaints over the 32-page book first surfaced in 2004 in North Carolina.

An Oklahoma legislator last year cited the book as reason to impose new restrictions on library collections.

Written by two Dutch women, the book has sold about 15,000 copies in the United States since it was translated and published in 2002. A sequel, "King, King and Family," about a royal same-sex family written by the same authors, was published two years later.

"We believe all children deserve to see themselves in books and these books were published for the children in gay families and for their friends" said Tricycle publisher, Nicole Geiger.

    Gay fairy tale sparks civil rights debate, R, 24.4.2006, http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2006-04-25T002740Z_01_N24332559_RTRUKOC_0_US-RIGHTS-GAYS-MASSACHUSETTS.xml

 

 

 

 

 

Outrage at Funeral Protests Pushes Lawmakers to Act

 

April 17, 2006
The New York Times
By LIZETTE ALVAREZ

 

NASHVILLE, April 11 — As dozens of mourners streamed solemnly into church to bury Cpl. David A. Bass, a fresh-faced 20-year-old marine who was killed in Iraq on April 2, a small clutch of protesters stood across the street on Tuesday, celebrating his violent death.

"Thank God for Dead Soldiers," read one of their placards. "Thank God for I.E.D.'s," read another, a reference to the bombs used to kill service members in the war. To drive home their point — that God is killing soldiers to punish America for condoning homosexuality — members of the Westboro Baptist Church of Topeka, Kan., a tiny fundamentalist splinter group, kicked around an American flag and shouted, if someone approached, that the dead soldiers were rotting in hell.

Since last summer, a Westboro contingent, numbering 6 to 20 people, has been showing up at the funerals of soldiers with their telltale placards, chants and tattered American flags. The protests, viewed by many as cruel and unpatriotic, have set off a wave of grass-roots outrage and a flurry of laws seeking to restrict demonstrations at funerals and burials.

"Repugnant, outrageous, despicable, do not adequately describe what I feel they do to these families," said Representative Steve Buyer, an Indiana Republican who is a co-sponsor of a Congressional bill to regulate demonstrations at federal cemeteries. "They have a right to freedom of speech. But someone also has a right to bury a loved one in peace."

In the past few months, nine states, including Oklahoma, Wisconsin and Indiana, have approved laws that restrict demonstrations at a funeral or burial. In addition, 23 state legislatures are getting ready to vote on similar bills, and Congress, which has received thousands of e-mail messages on the issue, expects to take up legislation in May dealing with demonstrations at federal cemeteries.

"I haven't seen something like this," said David L. Hudson Jr., research attorney for the First Amendment Center, referring to the number of state legislatures reacting to the protests. "It's just amazing. It's an emotional issue and not something that is going to get a lot of political opposition."

Most of the state bills and laws have been worded carefully to try to avoid concerns over the First Amendment, which guarantees freedom of speech. The laws typically seek to keep demonstrators at a funeral or cemetery 100 to 500 feet from the entrance, depending on the state, and to limit the protests to one hour before and one hour after the funeral.

A few states, including Wisconsin, also seek to bar people from displaying "any visual image that conveys fighting words" within several hundred feet or during the hours of the funeral. The laws or bills do not try to prevent protesters from speaking out.

Constitutional experts say there is some precedent for these kinds of laws. One case in particular, which sought to keep anti-abortion picketers away from a private home, was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1988.

"A funeral home seems high on the list of places where people legitimately could be or should be protected from unwanted messages," said Michael C. Dorf, a constitutional law professor at Columbia University Law School.

The Westboro Baptist Church, led by the Rev. Fred Phelps, is not affiliated with the mainstream Baptist church. It first gained publicity when it picketed the funeral of Matthew Shepard, a gay man who was beaten to death in 1998 in Wyoming.

Over the past decade, the church, which consists almost entirely of 75 of Mr. Phelps's relatives, made its name by demonstrating outside businesses, disaster zones and the funerals of gay people. Late last year, though, it changed tactics and members began showing up at the funerals of troops killed in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks hate groups, has put it on its watch list.

Embracing a literal translation of the Bible, the church members believe that God strikes down the wicked, chief among them gay men and lesbians and people who fail to strongly condemn homosexuality. God is killing soldiers, they say, because of America's unwillingness to condemn gay people and their lifestyles.

Standing on the roadside outside Corporal Bass's funeral here under a strikingly blue sky, the six protesters, who had flown from Topeka, shook their placards as cars drove past or pulled into the funeral. The 80-year-old wife of Mr. Phelps, slightly stooped but spry and wearing her running shoes, carried a sign that read "Tennessee Taliban." She is often given the task of driving the pickup trucks that ferry church members, a stack of pillows propping her view over the dashboard.

Next to her stood a cluster of Mr. Phelps's great-grandnephews and great-grandnieces, smiling teenagers with sunglasses, digital cameras and cellphones dangling from their pockets and wrists. They carried their own signs, among them, "You're Going to Hell."

Careful not to trespass on private property, the group stood a distance down the hill from the Woodmont Hills Church of Christ. Police cars parked nearby, keeping watch, but mostly making sure no one attacked the protesters.

"God is punishing this nation with a grievous, smiting blow, killing our children, sending them home dead, to help you connect the dots," said Shirley Roper-Phelps, the spokeswoman for the group and one of Mr. Phelps's daughters. "This is a nation that has forgotten God and leads a filthy manner of life."

At the entrance of the church, Jonathan Anstey, 21, one of Corporal Bass's best friends, frowned as he watched the protesters from a distance. Corporal Bass, who joined the Marine Corps after high school, died with six other service members when his 7-ton truck rolled over in a flash flood in Iraq. His family was reeling from grief, Mr. Anstey said.

"It's hurtful and it's taking a lot of willpower not to go down there and stomp their heads in," Mr. Anstey said. "But I know that David is looking down and seeing me, and he would not want to see that."

Disturbed by the protests, a small group of motorcycle riders, some of them Vietnam War veterans, banded together in October to form the Patriot Guard Riders. They now have 22,000 members. Their aim is to form a human shield in front of the protesters so that mourners cannot see them, and when necessary, rev their engines to drown out the shouts of the Westboro group.

The Bass family, desiring a low-key funeral, asked the motorcycle group not to attend.

"It's kind of like, we didn't do it right in the '70s," said Kurt Mayer, the group's spokesman, referring to the treatment of Vietnam veterans. "This is something that America needs to do, step up and do the right thing."

Hundreds of well-wishers have written e-mail messages to members of the motorcycle group, thanking them for their presence at the funerals. State legislatures, too, are reacting swiftly to the protests, and the Westboro group has mostly steered clear of states that have already enacted laws. While Corporal Bass's family was getting ready to bury him, the Tennessee House was preparing to debate a bill making it illegal for protesters to stand within 500 feet of a funeral, burial or memorial service.

The House joined the Senate in approving it unanimously on Thursday, and the bill now awaits the signature of the governor.

"When you have someone who has given the ultimate sacrifice for their country, with a community and the family grieving, I just don't feel it's the appropriate time to be protesting," said State Representative Curtis Johnson, a Republican who was a co-sponsor of the bill.

Ms. Roper-Phelps said the group was now contemplating how best to challenge the newly passed laws. "This hypocritical nation runs around the world touting our freedoms and is now prepared to dismantle the First Amendment," she said. "A piece of me wants to say that is exactly what you deserve."

    Outrage at Funeral Protests Pushes Lawmakers to Act, NYT, 17.4.2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/17/us/17picket.html

 

 

 

 

 

Gay marriage battles loom across US

 

Fri Mar 31, 2006 8:03 PM ET
Reuters
By Jason Szep

 

BOSTON (Reuters) - Citing polling that suggests opposition to same-sex marriages is receding, gay rights advocates expressed confidence on Friday that such weddings would spread, despite a ruling by Massachusetts' highest court that bars homosexuals from other states from marrying there.

Activists on both sides of the issue were awaiting a court ruling on whether Washington will follow Massachusetts and become the second U.S. state to legalize gay marriage, at least among residents.

"Washington state's Supreme Court right now, any day, is going to deliver their ruling on marriage, so it's something that we've been waiting for a while now to happen," said Brad Luna of gay rights group Human Rights Campaign.

After hearing arguments in March 2005, Washington state's top court will decide whether to overturn two lower court rulings in favor of same-sex marriage. The case was brought by eight same-sex couples denied marriage licenses.

Legal challenges seeking permission for gays and lesbians to marry are pending in 10 states. New Jersey's Supreme Court is expected to rule this year on a bid for gay marriage. Two cases are also winding through New York's court system and could end up in the state's highest court this year.

Massachusetts's highest court ruled in 2003 that it was unconstitutional to ban gay marriage, paving the way for America's first same-sex marriages in May the following year.

But on Thursday, that court quashed any chance of Massachusetts becoming the nation's gay wedding capital, ruling that homosexual couples from states that ban same-sex marriages cannot legally be wed in Massachusetts.

The ruling, upholding a 1913 state law barring nonresidents from marrying if their home state would not recognize the marriage, was in response to a lawsuit by gay couples from Connecticut, Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont.

"I really don't anticipate that the Massachusetts ruling will have much of an impact on other state courts because those courts will look at their own state laws and their own state constitutions, and rule accordingly," said Seth Kilbourn, political direct of gay rights group Equality California.

The Alliance to Marriage and other groups which oppose gay marriage said Thursday's Massachusetts's court decision would embolden opposition in states including California, Florida, Iowa and New York where the divisive issue is under debate.

A Pew Research Center poll taken in early March and released last week showed that opposition to same-sex marriage had dropped across the country in the past two years. But it also showed that just over half of Americans still oppose allowing gays and lesbians to marry.

At least 13 states have passed amendments banning gay marriage while two -- Vermont and Connecticut -- have legalized civil unions. California, New Jersey, Maine, the District of Colombia and Hawaii each offer gay couples some legal rights as partners.

The U.S. Supreme Court has not taken a case on gay marriage, leaving states to decide the issue.

    Gay marriage battles loom across US, R, 31.3.2006, http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2006-04-01T010326Z_01_N31203066_RTRUKOC_0_US-RIGHTS-GAYS.xml

 

 

 

 

 

Court: Gays can't come to Mass. to marry

 

Posted 3/30/2006 10:49 AM Updated 3/30/2006 11:13 AM
USA Today

 

BOSTON (AP) — The state's highest court ruled Thursday that same-sex couples from other states cannot legally marry in Massachusetts. (Related blog: Same-sex marriages limited in Mass.)

The Supreme Judicial Court, which three years ago made Massachusetts the first state to legalize gay marriage, ruled in a challenge to a 1913 state law that forbids non-residents from marrying in Massachusetts if their marriage would not be recognized in their home state.

"The laws of this commonwealth have not endowed non-residents with an unfettered right to marry," the court wrote in its 38-page opinion. "Only non-resident couples who come to Massachusetts to marry and intend to reside in this commonwealth thereafter can be issued a marriage license without consideration of any impediments to marriage that existed in their former home states."

Eight gay couples from surrounding states challenged the law after they were denied marriage licenses in Massachusetts.

In oral arguments before the high court in October, a lawyer for the couples argued that the 1913 law sat unused for decades and was "dusted off" by Gov. Mitt Romney in an attempt to discriminate against same-sex couples.

Romney ordered city and town clerks to enforce the 1913 law after the first same-sex marriages were performed in Massachusetts in May 2004.

Attorneys for the state said Massachusetts risks a backlash if it ignores the laws of other states by allowing same-sex couples to marry here when such unions are prohibited in their own states.

More than 6,000 gay couples have tied the knot in Massachusetts since the court's landmark ruling in 2003 that under the Massachusetts Constitution, same-sex couples have the same right to marry as heterosexual couples.

    Court: Gays can't come to Mass. to marry, UT, 30.3.2006, http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-03-30-gay-marriage_x.htm

 

 

 

 

 

Same-sex marriage battles escalate

 

Posted 3/23/2006 11:38 PM
USA TODAY
By Joan Biskupic

 

WASHINGTON — Gay rights advocates are pushing to legalize same-sex marriage with an unprecedented wave of lawsuits in state courts, while those seeking to ban such unions are gaining ground in state legislatures.

The contrasting strategies reflect how judges have begun to show a willingness to expand the rights of same-sex couples at a time when many state lawmakers — and most Americans — are cool to the idea.

Several key developments are likely soon. The top state courts in Washington state and New Jersey have heard arguments brought by gay men and lesbians. Either court could open the door to a second state joining Massachusetts in allowing same-sex marriages. (Related story: Lawsuits target bans)

Other lawsuits backed by the ACLU, Lambda Legal and other gay rights groups are wending their way through courts in California, Connecticut, Iowa, Maryland and New York. The groups want courts to declare that same-sex couples have a right to marry based on state constitutional protections for equality and due process of law. The groups also hope to win legal precedents that could influence the U.S. Supreme Court to endorse a constitutional right to same-sex unions nationwide.

Meanwhile, the Alliance for Marriage and other groups against same-sex marriage hope to win legislative ballot initiatives this year in Alabama, Idaho, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Virginia and Wisconsin. The measures would amend state constitutions to ban same-sex marriages.

Nineteen states have such bans. Most have been adopted since November 2003, when Massachusetts' highest state court said same-sex couples have a right to marry under state law. Massachusetts then became the first state to give marriage licenses to gay and lesbian couples.

The legislative moves against gay marriages aren't limited to the states. In June, the U.S. Senate is scheduled to begin debating a measure intended to lead to a U.S. constitutional amendment banning such marriages. The proposals in legislatures and in Congress partly reflect public-opinion polls, which for five years have indicated that about 60% of Americans oppose legalizing same-sex marriage.

The ACLU and others supporting same-sex marriages hope to turn public opinion by casting the ability to marry one's chosen partner as a basic right. They also are trying to tie their campaign with the efforts against bans on interracial marriage four decades ago.

A few judges, including Manhattan Judge Doris Ling-Cohan, have made such a link in backing same-sex marriages. Her ruling was reversed in December, however, by an appeals court that said the state has "a strong interest in fostering heterosexual marriage."

 

 

TWO FRONTS

 

States where lawsuits seek same-sex marriages:

California

Connecticut

Iowa

Maryland

New Jersey

New York

Washington

 

 

States with 2006 ballot initiatives to ban them:

Alabama

Idaho

South Carolina

South Dakota

Tennessee

Virginia

Wisconsin

    Same-sex marriage battles escalate, UT, 23.3.2006, http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-03-23-gay-marriage_x.htm

 

 

 

 

 

Wave of lawsuits targets bans on same-sex marriage

 

Posted 3/23/2006 10:46 PM
USA TODAY
By Joan Biskupic

 

WASHINGTON — Heather McDonnell and Carol Snyder of White Plains, N.Y., have been a couple for 16 years.

When Snyder was in the hospital for breast cancer surgery early in their relationship, McDonnell wanted to be at her side, just as a spouse would. And so McDonnell was — but only after she was first challenged by a nurse who did not think of her as family.

The episode, and others like it, prompted McDonnell, 52, an administrator at Sarah Lawrence College, and Snyder, a 61-year-old special education teacher, to join several other gay and lesbian couples in lawsuits challenging policies against same-sex marriages.

"There is nothing more universal in this country as saying you're married," McDonnell says. "When you are at your most vulnerable ... you need something like that."

The lawsuits, sponsored by the American Civil Liberties Union and gay rights groups such as Lambda Legal, utilize carefully selected plaintiffs and locales. They argue that particular state constitutions contain a right to same-sex marriage.

The lawsuits were inspired largely by a 2003 ruling by Massachusetts' highest court that led to that state being the first to legalize such unions. David Buckel of Lambda Legal says the lawsuits are focused on states where public attitudes toward same-sex unions seem particularly friendly and where amending the state constitution to counter any ruling for same-sex marriage would be difficult.

Such lawsuits are awaiting rulings by the top state courts in Washington state and New Jersey. Similar lawsuits are making their way through state courts in California, Connecticut, Iowa, Maryland and New York. The lawsuits generally claim that the states' constitutions allow gay couples to marry on the same terms as heterosexuals.

 

'67 Supreme Court ruling cited

The state-by-state approach is somewhat similar to the strategy gay rights groups used in recent years in a successful fight against laws that made sex between people of the same sex a crime.

However, before the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated such laws in 2003, many legislatures were lifting their bans on sodomy.

Gay marriage does not have that kind of legislative momentum. Nineteen states amended their constitutions to ban such marriages in recent years, and similar ballot initiatives will be before voters this year in seven other states.

Gay-marriage advocates are trying to link their effort with a 1967 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that rejected state bans on interracial marriages. A few state court judges have accepted that comparison.

"It was only less than 40 years ago that the U.S. Supreme Court held that anti-miscegenation statutes ... violate the Constitution because they infringed on the freedom to marry a person of one's choice," Manhattan Judge Doris Ling-Cohan wrote last year. "Similarly, this court must so hold in the context of same-sex marriages."

Some courts that have rejected same-sex marriage have said the comparison to racial discrimination is inapt. In December, when a state appeals court in New York overruled Ling-Cohan's decision, it said the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling on interracial marriage arose from the "fundamental right to be free from racial discrimination" — and that there was no similar fundamental right to same-sex marriage.

That sentiment is in line with arguments made by groups that oppose such marriages. "The laws that once limited one's marriage partner on the basis of race were designed to build walls and keep blacks and whites apart," says Peter Sprigg of the Family Research Council. "But preserving the traditional definition of marriage brings men and women together."

 

'Race between lawsuits'

Overall, the gay rights groups' strategy seeks to win state court rulings that could help change public attitudes and help prompt the U.S. Supreme Court to guarantee a right to gay marriage.

It's unclear how the court, under new Chief Justice John Roberts and with new Justice Samuel Alito, will view gay rights cases.

Critics of same-sex marriage, cite elected legislatures' moves against same-sex marriage while casting the current lawsuits as an attempt to make an end run around the will of the people.

"It's a race between these lawsuits and the (state constitutional) amendments" against same-sex marriage, says Matt Daniels, president of the Alliance for Marriage. Daniels' group is backing the state initiatives against same-sex marriage as well as a measure in the U.S. Senate that calls for a constitutional ban on such unions.

William Hohengarten, a Washington, D.C., lawyer who was part of the team that argued successfully against anti-sodomy laws at the Supreme Court in 2003, says winning cases in state courts is key for groups backing same-sex marriage. "It's important to have a number of states where same-sex marriage becomes a way of life ... to help change public attitudes."

 

 

 

MILESTONES IN GAY RIGHTS

 

1986: U.S. Supreme Court backs Georgia anti-sodomy law.

1993: Hawaii's top court says state constitution's guarantee of equal protection could give same-sex couples marital rights.

1996: President Clinton signs federal Defense of Marriage Act. It defines marriage as a - legal union between one man and one woman - and says states do not have to recognize same-sex marriages from other states.

1996: Supreme Court rejects Colorado ban on laws protecting gays from discrimination.

1998: Hawaii amends state constitution to reserve marriage for opposite-sex couples.

2000: Vermont allows civil unions between same-sex couples, giving them most of the benefits of marriage.

2003: Supreme Court rejects Texas law that banned sex between adults of same sex.

2003: Massachusetts' top court says same-sex couples have a right to marry.

By Joan Biskupic, USA TODAY

    Wave of lawsuits targets bans on same-sex marriage, UT, 23.3.2006, http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-03-23-lawsuits-gay_x.htm

 

 

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