History > 2007 > USA > Pentagon (II)
Renovation at a Shelter
Has Residents Feeling Uneasy
July 26, 2007
The New York Times
By ETHAN WILENSKY-LANFORD
The only homeless shelter in New York just for veterans will close in August
for renovations, which city officials say will improve conditions there. But the
plans are upsetting some of its residents.
The shelter, the Borden Avenue Veterans’ Residence, in Long Island City, Queens,
is to reopen in November with a little more than half its current number of
beds, according to officials, who also say the refurbished facility may charge
rent, which it does not do now.
The city says the renovation of the shelter, which will replace the current
dormitory-style arrangement with single rooms, will improve privacy and services
for the veterans. Some of the residents, however, said that they had been told
little about the plan and were wary, concerned it would disrupt a sense of
community that was important to them.
The temporary closing will come eight months after Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg,
along with the federal Department of Veterans Affairs, formed a task force to
reduce homelessness among veterans, who in 2005 constituted a third of the
city’s adult homeless population, according to the department. The mayor in 2004
announced the goal of bringing down homelessness in the city over all by
two-thirds within five years. Although the number of single adults in shelters
has decreased since then by 19 percent, officials said, the number of homeless
families has grown.
In December, when he formed the task force, Mr. Bloomberg said he would place
100 homeless veterans in permanent housing within 100 days.
“We achieved that goal with many days to spare,” said George Nashak, a deputy
commissioner of the Department of Homeless Services, adding that 179 homeless
veterans from the shelter were placed in permanent housing in the first six
months of 2007, 52 percent more than in the same period last year.
The number of veterans staying at the Borden Avenue shelter, which officials say
currently has a capacity of 410, now averages 300 a night.
Jeffrey Hanson, 45, moved out of the shelter to a one-room apartment in Jamaica,
Queens, in mid-July after a six-month stay. While at the shelter, he said, he
was able to get a new driver’s license and pass a test to work in the prison
system, though he works currently as a street vendor. “It takes you from where
you are at to where you ought to be,” said Mr. Hanson, who said he served in the
Marine Corps from 1981 to 1987, with a tour in Beirut.
Some residents who remained at the shelter said they were confused about what
would happen to them — and to the shelter — next month.
Hiawatha Collins, 38, a Marine Corps veteran who was born in Yonkers, said he
became homeless for the first time last winter. “We haven’t been told anything,”
he said on Friday as he was hurrying to catch the G train near the shelter,
which sits between an industrial zone and one that is sprouting high-rise
apartments. “They haven’t told us where they’re sending us, if we got
apartments, if we’re going to another shelter.”
Mr. Collins, who said he was working in Red Hook, Brooklyn, but had not made
enough money to rent an apartment, said that he would not want to go to a
shelter where he would be around people who had not served in the military. “A
lot of the civilian population does not understand veterans, and does not know
how to deal with veterans,” Mr. Collins said. “Honestly speaking, I’d rather be
on the street.”
Mr. Nashak said that the city and the Salvation Army, which runs the shelter,
are trying to move as many veterans as possible from Borden Avenue into
permanent housing before Aug. 15, when the shelter is to close. Those who have
not gotten housing by then will be placed together at one of the other city
shelters, according to the Department of Homeless Services. The department said
the Salvation Army was responsible for informing the clients about the move. “We
really believe it is important for veterans to live together,” Mr. Nashak said.
“Because it is important to our clients, it is important to us.”
The Borden Avenue shelter, which opened in 1987, is housed in a single-story
building that was once a factory and was the first in the country exclusively
for veterans, according to the Department of Homeless Services. People who stay
there sleep in large, open spaces separated by low walls. Beds are lined up
against the walls and in the center of the rooms. Residents have small metal
lockers that are arranged near the beds.
Once renovated, the building will house as many as 243 people. Each person will
have a room with a bed, a chair and a door. The city said the new setup would
allow staff members to provide better services to the clients.
Whether the renovated facility will charge rent has yet to be determined,
officials said, adding that more information about the city’s plan to reduce
homelessness among veterans will be made public with the release of a report
from the task force.
Eric N. Gioia, who represents Long Island City on the City Council, said that he
was concerned about allegations of mistreatment by the staff and of residents
bullying other residents in the Borden Avenue shelter and would be calling for
an investigation into conditions there. He said that area residents and,
increasingly, veterans in the shelter have called with complaints about it.
Residents interviewed outside the shelter in recent weeks said that drug use is
prevalent there. At least 10 men said that clients smoke crack cocaine regularly
in the bathrooms.
“You hear them with the lighters — flicking the lighters — and you smell the
chemicals,” said Gregory Wietrzychowski, 46, a shelter resident who said he
served the Army from 1978 to 1980 and later painted street art in Europe. He
said that for veterans who have been through a recovery program, “it’s a real
challenge to stay clean.”
The Police Department said officers had made 29 arrests at the shelter so far
this year, mostly related to narcotics. “It’s a location that requires periodic
police attention,” said Paul J. Browne, the department’s chief spokesman.
In addition, ambulances have been called to the shelter for 42 drug-related
emergencies in the past 12 months, a Fire Department spokesman said.
The Department of Homeless Services defended the Salvation Army’s track record
running the shelter, and said that drug offenses were taken seriously. “We have
a significant security presence at the Borden Avenue shelter, and when we
identify someone who is using substances in the facility, we treat it as the
criminal activity that it is and refer that individual to the substance abuse
treatment that they obviously need,” Mr. Nashak said.
Dennis P. Culhane, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania who specializes
in homelessness and has worked as a consultant for the city, said the plan to
shrink and reconfigure the shelter would improve it.
He added, “It’s easier for criminal elements to form and people who need help to
fall through the cracks — and to go unengaged by the service providers — at the
larger, barracks-style facilities.”
Al Baker contributed reporting.
Renovation at a Shelter
Has Residents Feeling Uneasy, NYT, 26.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/26/nyregion/26veterans.html
Op-Ed Contributor
A War the Pentagon Can’t Win
July 24, 2007
The New York Times
By DANIEL BENJAMIN and STEVEN SIMON
AS the National Intelligence Estimate issued last week confirms, a terrorist
haven has emerged in Pakistan’s tribal belt. And as recent revelations about an
aborted 2005 operation in the region demonstrate, our Defense Department is
chronically unable to conduct the sort of missions that would disrupt terrorist
activity there and in similarly ungoverned places.
These are perhaps the most important kind of counterterrorism missions. Because
the Pentagon has shown that it cannot carry them out, the Central Intelligence
Agency should be given the chance to perform them.
The story of the scrubbed 2005 operation illustrates why the Pentagon is
incapable of doing what needs to be done. The preparations for the mission to
capture or kill Al Qaeda’s No. 2 leader, Ayman al-Zawahri, appear to have
unfolded like others before it. Intelligence was received about a high-level
Qaeda meeting. A small snatch or kill operation was to be carried out by Special
Operations. But military brass added large numbers of troops to conduct
additional intelligence, force protection, communications and extraction work.
At that point, as one senior intelligence official told this newspaper, “The
whole thing turned into the invasion of Pakistan,” and Secretary of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld pulled the plug.
To those of us who worked in counterterrorism in the 1990s, this sequence of
events feels like the movie “Groundhog Day.” Similar decision-making led to the
failure to mount critical operations on at least three occasions during the
Clinton administration. The most notable was the effort to get the Pentagon to
conduct a ground operation against the Qaeda leadership in Afghanistan beginning
in late 1998.
The Clinton White House repeatedly requested options involving ground forces
that could hunt and destroy terrorists in Afghanistan. Repeatedly, senior
military officials declared such a mission “would be Desert One,” referring to
the disastrous 1980 effort to free American hostages in Iran. When the Pentagon
finally delivered a plan, the deployment envisioned would have been sufficient
to take and hold Kabul but not to surprise and pin down a handful of terrorists.
But the Zawahri stand-down is even more telling. It occurred four years into the
global war on terrorism, when the basic questions about the nature of the Qaeda
threat had been settled and the nation, in the oft-intoned phrase of the Bush
administration, was said to be always “on the offensive.” Moreover, it happened
on the watch of Donald Rumsfeld, the most dominating secretary of defense in
memory, who overruled military planners routinely as he micromanaged the
deployment to Iraq. Perhaps his attention was focused on the growing mess in
that country, but even Mr. Rumsfeld, who viewed special forces as the keystone
of a transformed 21st-century American military, could not keep on track a
mission that would have stunned Al Qaeda.
Highly mobile, highly lethal counterterrorism operations are clearly possible.
Israel scored victories with raids in Entebbe, Uganda; Tunis; and Beirut,
Lebanon, in the 1970s and 1980s. Other countries, like Germany, have carried out
similar operations, like the Mogadishu raid of 1977 that freed passengers on a
Lufthansa plane hijacked to Somalia by the Baader-Meinhof gang. An operation in
Pakistan’s tribal areas — setting aside the issue of whether this could
politically upend President Pervez Musharraf — would be extremely difficult. But
it is hard to believe it is impossible.
Since the Desert One debacle, the United States has poured vast resources into
its special forces. The Special Operations Command budget has nearly doubled
since 2001, and it is expected to grow 150 percent over five years. The command
includes more than 50,000 troops, the equivalent of three or four infantry
divisions. The best of them — Delta Force and the Navy Seals — have developed
into highly skilled unconventional forces.
Yet fear of failure and casualties has meant they are seldom, if ever, deployed
for such counterterrorism operations. In theory, the best place in the
government for small-scale missions to be planned and executed is the Pentagon,
because snatch or kill teams should be plugged into a larger military support
team. The reality, unfortunately, is that they can’t be plugged in without being
bogged down.
Senior officers, trained to understand the American way of war to mean
overwhelming force and superior firepower, view special ops outside a war zone
as something to be avoided at all cost. This has been true even in lower-risk
efforts to capture war criminals in the Balkans. The record demonstrates that
our military is simply incapable of adapting its culture to embrace such
operations. The Pentagon should just stop planning for missions it won’t launch.
While the C.I.A. doesn’t have an unblemished record, its counterterrorism
operations have shown more promise than the Pentagon’s. The agency has already
had some successes operating in ungoverned spaces. In the first reported attack
in such a region, a C.I.A.-operated Predator drone launched a missile that
killed a Qaeda lieutenant in Yemen in 2002. Since then the Predator has been
used to strike Al Qaeda at least eight times, although with limited success. At
least initially, the trigger in these attacks was pulled by C.I.A. operatives,
not soldiers.
The record of a small, vulnerable C.I.A. paramilitary force in Afghanistan in
2001 was more impressive. The group’s audacious reconnaissance work and
direction of local warlords in action against the Taliban provided the most
significant battlefield success of the post-9/11 period. Without this risky,
cold-start intervention, the American troops that followed the agency into
Afghanistan would have gone in blind and worried more about their flanks than
about Al Qaeda.
The agency’s history of ill-conceived covert political operations from the 1950s
through the 1970s may cause some to worry. That agency, however, no longer
exists. Congressional hearings and legislation, as well as fear of casualties,
have given the clandestine service its own case of risk aversion, though it
seems less severe than the Pentagon’s.
We have failed in Pakistan, and are failing in Iraq, to achieve a primary aim of
our counterterrorism policy: preventing Al Qaeda from acquiring safe havens. Our
military has shown itself to be a poor instrument for fighting terrorism, and
there are now thousands of jihadists who weren’t in Iraq at the time of the 2003
invasion. When the inevitable American drawdown occurs, we will need a way to
keep the terrorists off balance in Iraq and to disrupt the conveyor belt that is
already moving fighters to places like Lebanon, North Africa and Europe.
With new leadership at both the C.I.A. and the Defense Department, the Bush
administration has a chance to fix this problem. The missing ingredient for
success with the most important kind of counterterrorism missions is not courage
or technical capacity — our uniformed personnel are unsurpassed — but
organizational culture. With a small fraction of the resources that Pentagon has
for special operations, the C.I.A. could develop the paramilitary capacity we
profoundly need.
Daniel Benjamin, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, and Steven
Simon, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, were members of the
National Security Council staff from 1994 to 1999.
A War the Pentagon Can’t
Win, NYT, 24.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/24/opinion/24benjamin.html
Pentagon Seeks $1.2 Billion for Trucks
Made to Withstand
Roadside Bombs
July 19, 2007
The New York Times
By DAVID S. CLOUD
WASHINGTON, July 18 — Pentagon officials said Wednesday that they were asking
Congress to use $1.2 billion this year to build nearly 4,000 armored trucks
designed to withstand roadside bomb attacks, a move that follows Congressional
criticism that the Defense Department has been too slow to buy enough of the
vehicles for troops in Iraq.
The additional money, which Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates asked for in a
meeting with senior lawmakers on Tuesday night, would allow 1,500 additional
Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles, or MRAPs, to be produced this year,
Pentagon officials told reporters.
A Pentagon spokesman, Geoff Morrell, described Mr. Gates’s meeting with
lawmakers as “very positive” and said the defense secretary was “optimistic that
they will swiftly approve this reprogramming request.”
The vehicles, which cost around $1 million each, have a raised chassis and
V-shaped underside that deflects explosions better than the flat underbelly on
Humvees, which most combat units in Iraq and Afghanistan have. But only about
200 MRAPs are in use in Iraq.
The Bush administration originally sought $2.6 billion for fiscal 2007 to buy
additional MRAPs but Congress increased the total by $1.2 billion. The
Pentagon’s request this week, which shifts money from other Defense Department
accounts, together with an additional $400 million the Pentagon now plans to
spend on its own, would raise the total yet again, to around $5.4 billion,
making the MRAP the Pentagon’s third largest acquisition program. The additional
money will enable the Pentagon to increase the number of MRAPs due for delivery
by the end of the year to 3,900 from 2,400, according to John J. Young Jr.,
director of Defense Research and Engineering at the Pentagon. About 3,500 are
scheduled to be delivered to Iraq by then, he said. By next March, a total of
6,415 are due to be built, he said
By this December, contractors building the vehicles are scheduled to be
producing 1,300 vehicles a month, up from 82 that were produced by all suppliers
last month, Mr. Young said. He conceded that increasing the production so
steeply could lead to bottlenecks that might cause delays. “This is an extremely
aggressive program and the Defense Department is accepting risk here, and we may
encounter manufacturing issues as we accelerate,” he said. “The entire Defense
Department leadership team agrees we should accept these risks in order to
provide more capable vehicles to our troops as fast as possible.”
Before the Pentagon decided several months ago to buy as many MRAPs as could be
made, the vehicles were bought primarily for units with high-risk missions, like
clearing roads of bombs, officials said.
Mr. Gates ordered an acceleration in production in May after news reports
indicated that Marine units using the vehicles in Anbar Province had a
substantial decline in casualties from roadside bombs. Representative Ike
Skelton, a Missouri Democrat and chairman of the House Armed Services Committee,
said he was pleased the Pentagon “finally acknowledged the true magnitude of
this need.”
Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr., Democrat of Delaware, and Senator Christopher S.
Bond, Republican of Missouri, in a letter to Mr. Gates last month estimated that
delays in producing the vehicles had “cost the lives” of more than 700 soldiers,
who they said would have survived bomb attacks had they been riding in MRAPs,
instead of Humvees.
When outside American bases in Iraq and Afghanistan, most service members drive
in armored Humvees, which have proved increasingly vulnerable as roadside bombs
have grown more powerful.
Pentagon Seeks $1.2
Billion for Trucks Made to Withstand Roadside Bombs, NYT, 19.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/19/washington/19military.html
Marines Focus on Battlefield Ethics
July 14, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 1:22 p.m. ET
The New York Times
SAN DIEGO (AP) -- Perched atop a stack of foot lockers in a spotless
barracks, drill instructor Gunnery Sgt. Celestino Casias asks 45 shaven-headed
recruits what it takes to be a Marine. ''Honor, courage, commitment!'' the
aspiring fighters shout in unison.
The words come easy in this new class about ethics, but allegations that Marines
killed women, children and unarmed captives in Iraq and Afghanistan suggest they
may sometimes prove hard to live by.
''When you are out there, you are going to be challenged ... and it's not just
in Iraq or Afghanistan,'' said Lt. Col. Robert Scott, commander of a recruit
battalion at Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego. ''When you are on the
horns of a moral dilemma, you need to refer back and think 'What would my senior
(drill instructor) do?'''
To give recruits answers to that question, the Marine Corps is boosting training
in values and battlefield ethics, requiring more hours of lessons on the issues
than any other branch of the military does.
The Marine Corps commandant, Gen. James T. Conway, ordered the initiative in
November, and a more rigorous diet of ethics training was introduced in May at
the San Diego recruiting depot -- one of the service's two training centers for
enlistees, graduating about 20,000 Marines a year.
''No one is prematurely judging guilt or innocence,'' Conway said in a speech
Tuesday in San Francisco. ''But the very convergence of all these events concern
me and so we're examining as a corps how we prepare our young squad leaders.''
Conway routinely tours Marine bases and shares with the troops his concerns
about the pending criminal cases, said a spokesman, Lt. Col. T.V. Johnson.
''He wants to make sure we are making Marines the way we used to,'' Johnson
said. ''If you look at the respect the American public has for Marines, each one
of these incidents is a withdrawal from the bank of respect.''
The most notorious active case is the 2005 killings of 24 Iraqi civilians at
Haditha. A Marine squad used grenades and gunfire on the Iraqis after a roadside
bomb killed a Marine. Women and children were among the dead.
Three enlisted Marines are charged with murder and four officers are accused of
failing to investigate the deaths. The defendants say they killed the Iraqis
because they believed they were under attack.
A Pentagon survey of 447 Marines in Iraq last year found fewer than half said
they would report a member of their unit for killing or wounding an innocent
civilian. Only 38 percent said noncombatants should be treated with dignity and
respect.
During 12 weeks of boot camp, Marine trainees get 38 hours of values training,
up from 24. The Army provides about 24 hours of instruction on core values and
ethics, the Air Force 7 1/2 hours and the Navy about five hours.
''It's about having the moral courage to do the right thing all the time,'' said
one of the drill instructors, Sgt. Michael Dequatrro, 26.
The lessons start off simply: don't drink and drive, never sleep on guard duty,
don't fraternize with officers.
Then tougher issues are introduced, including what it means to kill someone.
''At the beginning, we are like puppies being trained up,'' recruit Juan
Baldelomar, 23, said a few days before he graduated. ''Now, we are more
accountable.''
In one recent class, Gunnery Sgt. Casias asked recruits what it meant to have
integrity.
Never stealing, one recruit responded. ''Doing the right thing even when no one
is looking,'' said another.
Forty miles up the road at Camp Pendleton, hearing officers have been reviewing
evidence against the Marines charged in the Haditha case. They recommended this
past week that charges against one enlisted Marine be dropped but that the
highest-ranking officer should face court-martial.
Special forces Marines also are being investigated for the shooting deaths of
several civilians in Afghanistan, and a separate investigation is under way to
see if Marines killed unarmed insurgent captives during a firefight in Fallujah
in 2004. No one has been charged in those two cases.
David Brahms, a retired brigadier general who was formerly the top lawyer in the
Marine Corps and now is a civilian lawyer, said criticism of troop behavior is
unfair.
''You can't rule out women and children as noncombatants, everybody becomes the
enemy,'' said Brahms, who has a client in the case of an Iraqi civilian killed
at the town of Hamdania. ''Sometimes you act in ways that upon reflection turn
out to be inappropriate and inadvisable.''
But for a Marine spokeswoman, Maj. Kristen Lasica, there are no gray areas.
''Honor, courage, commitment. You can't separate them from anything else,''
Lasica said. ''If you get it, you are going to make the right decision no matter
how hard it is.''
------
On the Net:
Gen. Conway:
http://www.usmc.mil/cmc/34cmc.nsf/cmcmain
Marines Focus on
Battlefield Ethics, NYT, 14.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Marines-Ethics.html
Army Misses Its June Goal for New Recruits
July 10, 2007
The New York Times
By DAVID S. CLOUD
WASHINGTON, July 9 — The Army missed its recruiting goals in June for the
second straight month, as rising casualties in Iraq and a strong economy at home
kept the service from enlisting enough new soldiers, Pentagon officials said.
The Army fell more than 1,000 active duty recruits short of its June goal of
8,400, said a Pentagon official who spoke on condition of anonymity because the
figures had not yet been formally released.
Lt. Col. Dan Baggio, an Army spokesman, declined to confirm the numbers, which
are due to be made public on Tuesday, but he acknowledged that there had been a
shortfall.
“We’re not in a doomsday situation,” Colonel Baggio said. “When we don’t make
the goal, that is something of a concern, but we are not panicking.”
He said that the National Guard and the Reserves met their recruiting goals for
June and that the numbers of soldiers signing up for additional years of service
was strong. He declined to elaborate.
In May, the Army fell 400 enlistees short of its goal of 5,500, the first time
in two years that the active force failed to meet its monthly target. The
downturn has coincided with sharply higher casualty numbers in Iraq, where 331
American soldiers were killed from April to June, the highest three-month level
of the war.
The downturn is particularly worrisome to Pentagon officials, especially because
it has come in the summer, when recruiters normally find more fresh high school
graduates eager to join.
“One of the greatest challenges of an all-volunteer force is recruiting in a
protracted war, and I think you are seeing that,” a Pentagon official said.
Colonel Baggio pointed out that the Army was still on track to meet its yearly
target of 80,000 new recruits because recruiting exceeded goals for several
months earlier this year.
In contrast to the Army, the Marine Corps will report that it met its recruiting
goals in June, said an official who declined to provide further specifics.
The recruiting demands on the Army have increased this year, as the service has
embarked on a five-year effort to increase its active-duty strength to 547,000,
from the currently authorized level of 514,000. The plan was announced by the
Pentagon in January as a way to ease the strain on the Army in coming years of
conducting continual deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Colonel Baggio said that — aside from those conflicts — recruiting had been hurt
by the fact that 7 in 10 potential recruits in their late teens and early 20s do
not meet Army standards, largely because they are too heavy or failed to
graduate from high school.
Recruiting may also have been harmed by the fact that soldiers are now required
to serve 15-month tours in Iraq or Afghanistan, an increase from the previous
requirement of 12 months. The longer tours were imposed to sustain a Bush
administration decision earlier this year to send an additional 30,000 troops to
Iraq.
Early in the war in Iraq, the Pentagon’s goal was for active-duty troops to
spend two years at home for every year deployed. Defense Secretary Robert M.
Gates said the Army eventually wanted to return to those goals. That will have
to await either a reduction in overall force levels, however, or an increase in
the size of the military, which has been set in motion but will take years to
accomplish.
Army Misses Its June
Goal for New Recruits, NYT, 10.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/10/washington/10military.html
Navy Reasserting Control of Shipbuilding
July 9, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 4:44 a.m. ET
The New York Times
BATH, Maine (AP) -- Stung by cost overruns, the Navy is looking to return to
a past when it controlled the shipbuilding process from beginning to end. The
change follows a period when the Navy told shipyards what it wanted the ships to
do and then let them deliver rather than getting mired in design details.
But that approach failed to control costs in construction of the speedy Littoral
Combat Ship for close-to-shore operations and in the design of the stealthy
DDG-1000 destroyer, the successor to the mainstay Arleigh Burke destroyers built
at Bath Iron Works and at Northrop Grumman Corp.'s Ingalls shipyard in
Mississippi.
The growing cost of warships in recent years has led the Navy to reduce its
orders, and the resulting loss of economies of scale has driven costs of
individual warships even higher. That spiral has left everyone unhappy,
including the Navy, members of Congress, defense contractors -- and shipbuilders
who fear for their jobs.
The Navy recently took the unusual step of punishing Lockheed Martin for cost
overruns on the smaller vessel -- the Littoral Combat Ship -- by canceling the
second of its two ships. Lockheed's first ship had grown from $275 million to
between $350 million and $375 million. Lockheed, which accepted responsibility,
isn't expected to take a big financial hit. In April, the company reported it
earned $690 million in the first quarter, beating Wall Street's expectations,
and raised its full-year financial forecast.
Construction hasn't begun on the new destroyer, but its cost already has
ballooned from early estimates of about $2 billion for the lead ship to more
than $3 billion apiece for the first two, according to Ron O'Rourke of the
Congressional Research Service. As the ship has grown bigger, more complicated
and more expensive, the Navy scaled back the number to be built to just seven.
The Navy's fleet, meanwhile, has shrunk to 276 ships, down from nearly 600
during President Reagan's defense buildup. The Navy, which blames the cost of
ships in part for the low orders that cut back the fleet, has a goal of 313
ships.
''The Navy obviously needs to do something. The plan we've been on has resulted
in a shrinking, aging Navy,'' said Winslow Wheeler, military analyst for the
Center for Defense Information, a Washington-based think tank.
Some say cost overruns are inevitable as the Navy launches new classes of
warships.
Unlike other defense contractors like aircraft makers and tank builders,
shipbuilders don't have the luxury of building prototypes. The first warship of
a new class is the prototype of sorts and thus prone to unexpected problems
during design and construction.
But the Navy isn't letting shipyards off the hook.
Starting in the spring, Navy Secretary Donald Winter has been making the case
for what he describes as ''tough love'' for the shipbuilding industry.
''The Navy must reassert its control over the entire shipbuilding acquisition
process. The Navy owns the fleet, and the Navy is the customer. Sometimes one
has the impression that this tiny distinction has been forgotten,'' Winter wrote
in an essay last month. He declined to elaborate to The Associated Press on his
comments.
The tough talk follows a lean period for the shipbuilding industry. The six
shipyards that build the Navy's largest ships -- aircraft carriers, amphibious
assault ships, cruisers, destroyers and submarines -- have lost 24,000 jobs
since 1991.
Earnings in the shipbuilding divisions of General Dynamics Corp., Bath's parent
company, and Northrop Grumman, parent of Mississippi's Ingalls shipyard, have
lagged compared to their aerospace divisions, according to analysts.
At Bath Iron Works, things appear fine on the outside. Two 510-foot destroyers
are berthed in the Kennebec River: The Sampson has been delivered to the Navy,
while outfitting continues on the Sterett. Another destroyer, the Stockdale, is
taking shape nearby.
The clanging and grinding of metal and sparks from welders in the shipyard's
buildings indicate steady work on the massive jigsaw puzzle pieces that'll
eventually be put together to create another three destroyers in the next few
years.
But the shipyard now has 5,800 workers, down from a peak of 12,000 during the
Reagan years. Workers fear that the slow but steady trend of pink slips will
continue until the Navy gets serious about rebuilding its aging fleet.
Bath shipbuilders are competitive, but morale has suffered because there's so
little additional work in the pipeline, said Mike Keenan, president of Local S6
of the Machinists union, which represents 3,300 shipyard workers.
The shipyard is scrambling to fill a potential gap in work as the Arleigh Burke
program wraps up and the DDG-1000 ramps up between 2008 and 2010. It is
considering bidding on smaller Coast Guard cutters and a ship called the ''joint
high speed vessel'' for the Army and Marines.
''This pier should be lined with (more) ships,'' Keenan said. ''If they want
competition, they got it. The men and women of Bath Iron Works have no problem
competing against anybody. The problem is when you have nothing to compete
for.''
Critics say the Navy should shoulder some of the blame for escalating costs for
asking for too many features on its ships. Also, shipbuilders account for only a
portion of a ship's cost. Much of it is devoted to high-tech weapons systems
made elsewhere.
The Littoral Combat Ship, 55 of which are to be built, was rushed under an
expedited process using smaller shipyards. The Navy wants a ship that's capable
of operating in shallow, coastal waters to meet emerging threats, including
modern-day pirates and terrorists.
Loren Thompson, a defense analyst with the Lexington Institute, said it made no
sense to order ships and set prices without a final blueprint, which is what
happened as shipbuilders moved quickly to build a ship that the Navy wanted
fast.
The Navy wants defense contractors to be efficient like the commercial sector,
but that process wouldn't have flown in the commercial sector, Thompson said.
''Toyota wouldn't do that,'' he said.
Paul Nisbet, an analyst at JSA Research Inc. in Newport, R.I., said the Navy and
the shipyards collaborate in setting up contracts they can't live with.
Shipyards make low bids to win, and the Navy wants low bids to get through
Congress, he said.
''It's all part of politics,'' he said.
The Navy agrees that it's not without blame, and has decided to take more
control over the shipbuilding process. It doesn't plan to create preliminary
contract designs, as it did before the first Arleigh Burke warship was launched
in 1989, but to be involved in every step from design through construction.
Eager for more work, Bath Iron Works will work with the Navy regardless of
whether there's a hands-on or hands-off philosophy, said Kendell Pease, vice
president for government relations and communications for Bath's parent, General
Dynamics.
''We'll build ships whichever way the Navy wants us to. And the more ships, the
better,'' he said. ''Just keep the ships coming.''
Navy Reasserting Control
of Shipbuilding, NYT, 9.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/business/AP-Shipbuilding-Woes.html
Gov't Struggles to Care for Wounded GI's
June 24, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 2:29 a.m. ET
The New York Times
More than 800 of them have lost an arm, a leg, fingers or toes. More than 100
are blind. Dozens need tubes and machines to keep them alive. Hundreds are
disfigured by burns, and thousands have brain injuries and mangled minds.
These are America's war wounded, a toll that has received less attention than
the 3,500 troops killed in Iraq. Depending on how you count them, they number
between 35,000 and 53,000.
More of them are coming home, with injuries of a scope and magnitude the
government did not predict and is now struggling to treat.
''If we left Iraq tomorrow, we would have the legacy of all these people for
many years to come,'' said Dr. Jeffrey Drazen, editor-in-chief of the New
England Journal of Medicine and an adviser to the U.S. Department of Veterans
Affairs. ''The military simply wasn't prepared for its own success'' at keeping
severely wounded soldiers alive, he said.
Survival rates today are even higher than the record levels set early in the
war, thanks to body armor and better care. For every American soldier or Marine
killed in Iraq, 15 others have survived illness or injury there.
Unlike previous wars, few of them have been shot. The signature weapon of this
war -- the improvised explosive device, or IED -- has left a signature wound:
traumatic brain injury.
Soldiers hit in the head or knocked out by blasts -- ''getting your bell rung''
is the military euphemism -- sometimes have no visible wounds but a fog of war
in their minds. They can be addled, irritable, depressed and unaware they are
impaired.
Only an estimated 2,000 cases of brain injury have been treated, but doctors
think many less obvious cases have gone undetected. One small study found that
more than half of one group of wounded troops arriving at Walter Reed Army
Medical Center had brain injuries. Around the nation, a new effort is under way
to check every returning man and woman for this possibility.
Some of those on active duty may have subtle brain damage that was missed when
they were treated for more visible wounds. Half of those wounded in action
returned to duty within 72 hours -- before some brain injuries may have been
apparent. The military just adopted new procedures to spot these cases, too.
Back home, concerns grow about care. The Walter Reed hospital scandal and
problems with some VA nursing homes have led Republicans and Democrats to call
for better care for this new crop of veterans.
A lucky few get Cadillac care at one of the VA's four polytrauma centers, where
the most complex wounds are treated with state-of-the-art techniques and
whiz-bang devices like ''power knee'' or ''smart ankle'' prosthetics. Others
battle bureaucracy to see doctors or get basic benefits in less ideal settings.
Mental health problems loom large. More than a third of troops received
psychological counseling shortly after returning from Iraq, and a third of those
were diagnosed with a problem, a recent Pentagon study found. The government
plans to add 200 psychologists and social workers to help treat post-traumatic
stress disorder and other issues.
No one knows what the ultimate cost will be. Harvard University economist Linda
Bilmes estimates the lifetime health-care tab for these troops will be $250
billion to $650 billion -- a wide range but a huge sum no matter how you slice
it.
Who are the wounded?
Lee Jones, 24, of Lumberton, N.C., was severely burned on the face, hands, feet
and legs when his Humvee was hit with an IED two years ago. A partial amputee
with speech and other problems from a severe brain injury, he now does work
therapy delivering mail at a VA hospital and tries to re-establish life in a
nearby apartment with a wife and baby daughter.
Marine Cpl. Joshua Pitcher, 22, from upstate New York, is a Purple Heart
recipient who returned to Iraq after he was shot in 2005. Half of his skull was
removed to allow his brain to swell as he now recovers from a brain injury and
shrapnel wounds from a grenade blast in February.
Maj. Thomas Deierlein, 39, is a New York City marketing executive who served
five years after graduating from West Point. Twelve years later, called up as a
reservist, he nearly died of bullet wounds that shattered his pelvis, leaving
him with a colostomy and learning to walk again.
Joseph ''Jay'' Briseno, 24, of Manassas Park, Va., was shot in the back of the
neck by an Iraqi in the early months of the war. One of the most severely
wounded, he is now a quadriplegic, on a breathing machine, blind and unable to
speak, but aware of what has happened to him.
''The mistake in Vietnam was, we hid the injured away from folks so they didn't
get to tell their stories. Now it's important that we let them tell their
stories to the public,'' said Dr. Steven Scott, director of the Polytrauma
Rehabilitation Center at the Tampa VA Medical Center in Florida.
Counting the wounded can be contentious. Earlier this year, the Department of
Defense changed how it tallies war-related injuries and illness, dropping those
not needing air transport to a military hospital from the bottom-line total.
Bilmes, the economist, thinks this is disingenuous.
''An accident that happens while they're there is a cost of war, particularly
when you factor in the length of deployment'' and injury-inducing conditions
like very hot weather, carrying heavy packs, and more vehicle accidents because
it is not safe to walk anywhere, she said.
As of June 2, 25,830 troops had been wounded in action. Of these, 7,675 needed
airlifts to military hospitals and the rest were treated and remained in Iraq.
There were another 27,103 non-battle-related air transports. Of those, 7,188 had
injuries. Most occurred from vehicle accidents, training or work-related
accidents. Ten percent were sports injuries, said Dr. Michael Kilpatrick, who
tracks this information for the Defense Department.
Nearly 20,000 of these ''non-hostile'' airlifts were for illnesses or medical
issues: general symptoms like fever or pain needing tests or evaluation; back
problems; psychological problems adjusting to being in a war zone; ''affective
psychoses'' (not able to function or care for themselves); neuroses; respiratory
or chest symptoms; depression; head and neck problems (including traumatic brain
injury); epilepsy; infections, and muscle pulls and strains.
''I don't want to try to say these are not war-related. Being in the military is
a very physically demanding job,'' Kilpatrick said.
For stress-related problems, the military tries ''three hots and a cot'' -- warm
meals and a chance to sleep. Most of the time it works and troops return to
their unit, Kilpatrick said.
Of the troops air evacuated to the military hospital in Landstuhl, Germany, 20
percent return to Iraq and 80 percent go back to the United States for more care
or disability discharge.
Of the half-million troops who have left active duty and are eligible for VA
health care, about one-third have sought it. The most complicated cases end up
at one of the four polytrauma centers, in Tampa, Fla.; Richmond, Va.; Palo Alto,
Calif.; and Minneapolis.
These were formed after doctors realized they were missing problems -- amputees
who were confused and unable to put on their prosthetics because of undiagnosed
brain injuries, and guys who could remember their therapy dog's name but not
their doctor's, or who could carry on a conversation but not recall what they
had for breakfast.
Troops at these hospitals have an average of six major impairments and 10
specialists treating them.
''The important thing to realize is you could have all of them at once'' --
trouble speaking, seeing, walking, hearing, etc., Scott said.
Most of these injuries are caused by IED blasts, which send a pressurized air
wave through delicate tissues like the brain, sometimes send it smacking against
the inside of the skull and shearing fragile nerve connections that control
speech, vision, reasoning, memory and other functions. Lungs, eardrums, spinal
cords -- virtually anything -- can be damaged by the pressure wave. Injuries
also come from collapsing buildings, flying debris, heat, burns or inhaled gases
and vapors.
''Many of these you can't see on an X-ray,'' such as glass shards that can cause
internal bleeding, Scott said.
In prior wars, one of every five to seven troops surviving a war-related wound
had a traumatic brain injury, the military estimates. It's much higher in this
war.
A pilot project at Walter Reed in 2003 to screen 155 patients returning from
Iraq found that 62 percent had a brain injury.
''This is a very rapidly evolving area as a disease,'' with no screening test,
agreed-upon set of symptoms for diagnosis, or even a billing code, said
Kilpatrick, the military doctor.
Much needs to be learned about how to treat these injuries, he said, but
credited the military medical staff for having the chance.
''It's just amazing to me every day when I look at these numbers,'' he said.
''The good news is that the majority of these people who become ill or injured
... are going to survive and are going to be able to return either to the
military or to civilian life and be productive.''
------
On the Net:
Government casualty data:
http://siadapp.dmdc.osd.mil/personnel/CASUALTY/castop.htm
State breakdowns:
http://siadapp.dmdc.osd.mil/personnel/CASUALTY/STATE--OEF--OIF.pdf
Defense and Veterans Brain Injury Center:
http://www.dvbic.org
Harvard economist report:
http://ksgnotes1.harvard.edu/Research/wpaper.nsf/RWP/RWP07-001
Department of Veterans Affairs: http://www.va.gov/
Department of Defense:
http://www.defenselink.mil/
Gov't Struggles to Care
for Wounded GI's, NYT, 24.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Coming-Home-Wounded.html
Military Sees Drop in Black Recruits
June 24, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 7:15 a.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The number of blacks joining the military has plunged by
more than one-third since the Afghanistan and Iraq wars began, as other job
prospects soar and relatives of potential recruits increasingly discourage them
from signing up.
According to data obtained by The Associated Press, the decline covers all four
military services for active duty recruits, and the drop is even more dramatic
when National Guard and Reserve recruiting is included.
The findings reflect the growing unpopularity of the wars, particularly among
family members and other adults who exert influence over high school and college
students considering the military as a place to serve their country, further
their education or build a career.
Walking past the Army recruiting station in downtown Washington, D.C., this past
week, Sean Glover said he has done all he can to talk black relatives out of
joining the military.
''I don't think it's a good time. I don't support the government's efforts here
and abroad,'' said Glover, 36.
The message comes as no surprise to the Pentagon where efforts are under way to
increase the size of the Army and Marine Corps.
Marine Commandant Gen. James T. Conway agreed that the bloodshed in Iraq --
where more than 3,540 U.S. troops have died -- is the biggest deterrent for
prospective recruits.
According to Pentagon data, there were nearly 51,500 new black recruits for
active duty and reserves in 2001. That number fell to less than 32,000 in 2006,
a 38 percent decline.
When only active duty troops are counted, the number of black recruits went from
more than 31,000 in 2002 to about 23,600 in 2006, almost one-quarter fewer. The
decline is particularly stark for the Army.
Military Sees Drop in
Black Recruits, NYT, 24.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Military-Recruits-Blacks.html
Combat Tours Revisited Again
June 19, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 2:56 p.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Army is considering whether it will have to extend the
combat tours of troops in Iraq if President Bush opts to maintain the recent
buildup of forces through spring 2008.
Acting Army Secretary Pete Geren testified Tuesday that the service is reviewing
other options, including relying more heavily on Army reservists or Navy and Air
Force personnel, so as not to put more pressure on a stretched active-duty
force.
Most soldiers spend 15 months in combat with a guaranteed 12 months home, a
rotation plan that already has infuriated Democrats because it exceeds the
service's goal of giving troops equal time home as in combat. In coming weeks,
the Senate will vote on a proposal by Sen. Jim Webb, D-Va., that would restrict
deployments.
''It's too early to look into the next year, but for the Army we have to begin
to plan,'' Geren told the Senate Armed Services Committee. ''We have to look
into our options.''
Gen. David Petraeus, Iraq war commander, on Sunday suggested that conditions on
the ground might not be stable enough by September to justify a drop in force
levels and predicted that stabilizing Iraq could take as long as a decade.
Earlier this year, Bush ordered the deployment of some 30,000 additional troops
as part of a massive U.S.-led security push around Baghdad and the western Anbar
province.
There are about 156,000 U.S. troops in Iraq.
When asked by Sen. Carl Levin whether maintaining the force build up would
affect soldiers' 15-month combat schedules, Geren said he was unsure and cited
''numerous options'' available, including using a ''different utilization of the
Guard and Reserve'' and relying on the other services for help.
''We're committed to filling the requirements that the combatant commander
asks,'' Geren said. ''We have been able to do so up until now, and we will
continue to do so.''
The Army assessment comes as Democrats say they are already frustrated with the
existing policy.
''Who was talking for the well being and the health of the soldiers when this
requirement was put down?'' asked Webb, referring to the 15-month combat tours.
After four years of combat, the strategy in Iraq cannot ''justify doing this to
the soldiers in the Army and the families back here,'' he said.
Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-Conn., disagreed and said the Army should do more to
add soldiers to its payroll.
''We never want to be in a position where our resources determine our strategy,
instead of our resources being there to meet what our generals on the ground say
they need to succeed,'' Lieberman said.
Geren said the decision to extend tours from 12 to 15 months was made to ensure
soldiers were guaranteed one year at home. Previously, soldiers deployed for
12-month cycles but were unsure when they would be sent back.
''I felt it was the best of the two tough choices to make. ... That decision I
believe was the right one,'' Geren said.
The Senate panel is expected to approve Bush's nomination of Geren as Army
secretary, replacing Francis Harvey who was pushed out amid a scandal on
deplorable conditions at Walter Reed Army Medical Center.
Combat Tours Revisited
Again, NYT, 19.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-US-Iraq.html
Pentagon Spy Rocket Launch Delayed
June 14, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 11:56 p.m. ET
The New York Times
CAPE CANAVERAL, Fla. (AP) -- The launch of a rocket carrying
intelligence-gathering technology for the Defense Department was postponed
Thursday for a day.
Officials delayed it until 11:04 a.m. Friday because of problems with a safety
mechanism that destroys the rocket in case of malfunction, Air Force spokesman
Ken Warren said.
The payload is from the National Reconnaissance Office, a division of the
Pentagon that builds and operates spy satellites for agencies such as the
Defense Department and CIA.
Officials would not give details about the technology because of national
security concerns.
Pentagon Spy Rocket
Launch Delayed, NYT, 14.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-BRF-Rocket-Launch.html
U.S. to Keep Europe as Site for Missile Defense
June 15, 2007
The New York Times
By THOM SHANKER
BRUSSELS, June 14 — Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates made clear Thursday
that the United States would not alter plans to deploy parts of a missile
defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic, despite an unexpected proposal
by President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia to use a radar base in Azerbaijan
instead.
During a session of defense ministers here, Mr. Gates also effectively secured
NATO’s endorsement for an American plan to build the missile defense bases in
Central Europe, overcoming the concerns of some alliance members that the effort
could rupture relations with Russia.
The radar in Azerbaijan offered by Mr. Putin at the recent Group of 8 session
with President Bush in Germany could complement the sites proposed for Central
Europe, Mr. Gates said, but not replace them.
“I was very explicit in the meeting that we saw the Azeri radar as an additional
capability, that we intended to proceed with the radar, the X-band radar, in the
Czech Republic,” Mr. Gates said at an evening news conference after meeting with
his Russian counterpart, Anatoly E. Serdyukov. American military officers have
said that the X-band radar proposed for the Czech Republic is designed to spot
specific objects in space and to assist interceptors in locking on and
destroying an adversary’s missile in the middle of its flight. The system in
Azerbaijan is an early warning radar, with a wider range but also less specific
tracking ability.
NATO support, described by its officials as a significant step forward for the
American proposals, came in the somewhat coded language typical of the Atlantic
alliance.
NATO did not issue a specific endorsement of placing the elements of the system
in former Soviet states in Central Europe. But it announced an effort that in
essence was an agreement that the system would be deployed: a study of how
proposed shorter-range NATO missile defense systems would be incorporated in the
long-range American antimissile program. That American system will include 10
missile interceptors in Poland and a network of radar defenses in the Czech
Republic.
“There were no criticisms by any of the NATO allies of our missile defense
proposals or of our moving forward,” Mr. Gates said. “There obviously is
interest in trying to encourage the Russians to participate with us, to make the
system complementary to NATO shorter-range missile defenses, and for
transparency.”
These systems would be “bolted on” to the American system, which is designed to
counter long-range missiles, in particular a potential threat from Iran,
alliance officials said.
“The NATO road map on missile defense is now clear,” said Jaap de Hoop Scheffer,
the NATO secretary general. “It’s practical, and it’s agreed by all.”
A senior American official, who described the closed-door debate under standard
diplomatic rules of anonymity, was even more explicit than Mr. Gates in
summarizing NATO’s support. “What you see here is allies agreeing to adapt
NATO’s work to the reality that there will be a long-range system, as well,” the
official said.
NATO was already studying a theaterwide missile defense system, and the decision
made Thursday alleviates the alliance of the financial and political costs of
creating long-range missile defenses.
The NATO study is to be completed by February. Its military experts will work on
blueprints for short- and medium-range missile defense systems to shield allies
not under the cover of the system proposed for Central Europe, including
Bulgaria, Greece, Romania and Turkey.
In an unexpected development sure to be scrutinized by the Kremlin, Mr. Gates
indicated an interest in pushing cooperation on missile defenses even further
into the former Soviet hemisphere of Eastern Europe by raising the prospect of
future discussions with Ukraine.
Ukraine is not a NATO member, but is part of an alliance dialogue, the
NATO-Ukraine Commission. Mr. Gates said that on Thursday he “indicated a
willingness to share information, data with Ukraine” on the missile defense
efforts in Poland and the Czech Republic.
Russian officials have complained that the proposed system is a Trojan horse
designed to counter Moscow’s strategic rocket forces, although Mr. Putin shifted
the debate with a proposal last week to link the American system to a radar in
the former Soviet republic of Azerbaijan.
At the session of the NATO-Russia Council on Thursday, Mr. Serdyukov, the
Russian defense minister, “made no threats” about the American plans, said
senior American officials who had attended, speaking anonymously under
diplomatic rules.
While the United States, Poland and the Czech Republic are all alliance members,
the negotiations on missile defense bases are being carried out in bilateral
talks outside the NATO framework.
U.S. to Keep Europe as
Site for Missile Defense, NYT, 15.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/15/world/europe/15gates.html
Chairman of Joint Chiefs Will Not Be Reappointed
June 9, 2007
By THOM SHANKER
The New York Times
WASHINGTON, June 8 — The Bush administration said Friday that it would not
reappoint Gen. Peter Pace to a second term as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, making him the highest-ranking officer to be a political casualty of the
fight over Iraq.
Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said the decision was reached in order to
avoid bitter hearings in a Democratic-controlled Senate that is already
confronting the White House over the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
“I have decided that at this moment in our history, the nation, our men and
women in uniform, and General Pace himself would not be well-served by a
divisive ordeal in selecting the next chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,”
Mr. Gates said.
The defense secretary stood alone at a Pentagon podium in making the
announcement, and he spoke in somber tones in describing how he fully had
intended to recommend General Pace be offered a second two-year term as
chairman, only to change his mind over the last few weeks after consulting with
senior senators of both parties.
Mr. Gates said he would recommend that President Bush appoint Adm. Michael G.
Mullen, the chief of naval operations, to serve as the next chairman. The
defense secretary praised Admiral Mullen as a man of “vision, strategic insight,
experience and integrity.”
General Pace has served for six years at the very highest ranks of the military,
for four years as vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs and then two years as the
first marine to be chairman. General Pace, who is 61, had made clear that he
wanted to be reappointed, and associates said he was deeply disappointed. When
he steps down at the end of September, he will become the shortest-serving
chairman since Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor in 1964, during the early years of the
Vietnam War.
By law, the chairman is the senior-ranking member of the armed services and is
the top military adviser to the president, the defense secretary and the
National Security Council. In that capacity, he is not in command of American
forces at war, but plays a central role in shaping strategy and policy and in
relaying communications from the civilian leadership to commanders in the field.
But General Pace’s reputation has nevertheless become intertwined with the
American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and the heavy tolls that the
subsequent counter-insurgency fights have inflicted on the United States
military. He has been criticized by some senior officers who saw him as too
deferential to civilian leadership, in particular former Defense Secretary
Donald H. Rumsfeld, and too inattentive to the impact of prolonged war-fighting
on the Army, Marines and their National Guard and Reserve elements.
President Bush is known for loyalty to members of his senior council, including
the generals who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, and he risked a
confirmation battle earlier this year when he successfully nominated Gen. George
W. Casey Jr., the top American commander in Iraq, to become Army chief of staff.
In the case of General Pace, however, Mr. Bush "reluctantly agreed” not to seek
a renomination for the chairman, even though the president “has the highest
regard for General Pace,” said Dana Perino, the deputy White House press
secretary.
In a written statement, Mr. Bush said, “I have relied on his unvarnished
military judgment, and I value his candor, his integrity and his friendship.”
A confirmation hearing for the next chairman would have come in September, just
as the two top American ground commanders in Iraq are scheduled to issue their
first official assessment of Mr. Bush’s strategy of escalating the troop
presence there.
In making his announcement, Mr. Gates emphasized that the decision should not be
viewed as a rebuke of General Pace’s tenure, which he described as one of “great
distinction.” Mr. Gates likewise said the decision should not be seen as an
acknowledgment that the decline in Congressional support for the war was
spreading even to Republicans.
The defense secretary, though, said his conversations with senior lawmakers of
both parties had led him to conclude that “the focus of his confirmation process
would have been on the past, rather than the future” and “that there was the
very real prospect the process would be quite contentious.”
Although Mr. Gates acknowledged that both Democrats and Republicans had warned
of a bruising confirmation hearing for General Pace, the public statements from
senior Republicans were effusive. "Peter Pace has served his nation, his beloved
Marine Corps, with the greatest of distinction," said Senator John W. Warner of
Virginia, the ranking Republican on the Armed Services Committee.
But Senator Carl Levin, the Michigan Democrat who is chairman of the Armed
Services Committee, acknowledged Friday that he had cautioned against offering
General Pace a second term as chairman.
“In response to a request from Secretary Gates, I solicited the views of a broad
range of senators,” Mr. Levin said. “I found that the views of many senators
reflected my own, namely that a confirmation hearing on General Pace’s
reappointment would have been a backward-looking debate about the last four
years.”
General Pace is a highly decorated combat veteran who led a rifle platoon during
some of the most vicious urban combat in American military history, in Vietnam
during the 1968 battle of Battle of Hue.
In the past week, however, speculation swirled that he would not be renominated,
rumors coming after General Pace was forced to defend his comments that
homosexual conduct was immoral, akin to adultery — a statement far from the
legal underpinnings of the military’s ban on openly gay soldiers based on
arguments for discipline and unit cohesion.
General Pace also stirred concern among senior colleagues that he had stepped
over a line defining civilian-military relations with a letter urging leniency
for I. Lewis Libby Jr., the vice-presidential aide convicted of lying during a
Central Intelligence Agency leak investigation.
Looking to the future, Mr. Gates noted that Admiral Mullen already had a
reputation for rising above parochial service interests to focus on how all of
the armed forces can best support each other. Mr. Gates said that his senior
military assistant had recently been told by Admiral Mullen that his highest
priority, even as chief of naval operations, was finding ways to help the Army
as it carried the burden of combat in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Over recent months, Admiral Mullen also called upon his service’s brightest
minds to write the first new maritime strategy since the end of the cold war to
address both traditional challenges and emerging asymmetrical threats.
Mr. Levin, the armed services committee chairman described Admiral Mullen as “
well-qualified” for the job of chairman.
Mr. Gates also said he would recommend that the new vice chairman of the Joint
Chiefs be General James E. Cartwright, the Marine Corps officer in charge of the
Strategic Command, responsible for American nuclear forces and computer attack.
The current vice chairman, Adm. Edmund P. Giambastiani Jr., announced his
retirement last week. With the decision to name a Navy officer as chairman, it
would not have been possible for Admiral Giambastiani to continue in the No. 2
job, although Mr. Gates said he unsuccessfully had urged the admiral to accept
another senior-level position.
A number of respected officers have seen their career paths damaged or altered
by the debate over Iraq.
Among them are Gen. John P. Abizaid, an advocate of limiting the American
presence in Iraq, who retired months early from his command in the Middle East
as Mr. Bush was ordering an influx of troops. And Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez,
the senior ground commander in Iraq after the invasion, never received a fourth
star and was quietly pushed toward retirement.
Sheryl Gay Stolberg contributed reporting.
Chairman of Joint Chiefs
Will Not Be Reappointed, NYT, 9.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/09/washington/09military.html?hp
Pentagon
to Appeal Guantanamo Decisions
June 8,
2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 12:55 p.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON
(AP) -- The Defense Department said Friday that it will appeal the decisions of
two judges who earlier this week stalled the military's move to put detainees at
Guantanamo Bay on trial.
Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman said the department is filing a motion with the
judges to reconsider their rulings, saying that the problem is largely
semantics.
Military judges ruled Monday that the Pentagon could not prosecute Salim Ahmed
Hamdan and Omar Khadr because they had not first been identified as ''unlawful''
enemy combatants, as required by a law passed last year by Congress. Khadr and
Hamdan previously had been identified by military panels here only as enemy
combatants, lacking the critical ''unlawful'' designation.
Whitman called the issue a slight difference in terminology, that should be
settled quickly. He said the motion for reconsideration would be filed Friday.
''There is no material difference between the term enemy combatant used by the
combatant status review tribunal process and the term unlawful enemy combatant
as utilized in the military commissions act, as it pertains to the individuals
in question,'' said Whitman.
He said the department reviewed various options and opted to go back to the
original two judges with a renewed legal argument.
Hamdan, of Yemen, is believed to have been chauffeur to al-Qaida leader Osama
bin Laden. Khadr is a Canadian who was arrested at 15 on an Afghan battlefield,
accused of killing a U.S. soldier.
The decision dealt a blow to the Bush administration in its efforts to begin
prosecuting dozens of detainees regarded as the nation's most dangerous
terrorist suspects.
The two detainees are the only ones currently in the roughly 380 prisoner
population at Guantanamo who have been charged with crimes under a reconstituted
military trial system.
One other detainee charged under the new system, Australian David Hicks, pleaded
guilty in March to providing material support to al-Qaida and is serving a
nine-month sentence in Australia.
Last year, Republicans and the White House pushed through legislation
authorizing the war-crimes trials after the Supreme Court threw out President
Bush's previous system as illegal and in violation of international treaties.
Bush established the specialized tribunal system shortly after the Sept. 11,
2001, attacks but had not been able to convict any terrorists because of legal
hurdles.
------
On the Net:
Defense Department:
http://www.defenselink.mil
Pentagon to Appeal Guantanamo Decisions, NYT, 8.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Guantanamo-Detainees.html
General Tells Senate U.S. Must Prevail in Iraq
June 7, 2007
The New York Times
By JOHN HOLUSHA
The Army officer named to be the Bush administration’s war-coordination
“czar” told a Senate panel today that America continues to have vital interests
in the Middle East, and that it must prevail in the conflicts in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Testifying during his confirmation hearing before the Senate Armed Services
Committee, the officer, Lt. Gen. Douglas Lute, said that “America’s at war, and
the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan represent what we in the military call the
main effort in the long war.”
He acknowledged that he had been skeptical about the current strategy of sending
more American troops to Iraq and trying more aggressively to secure Baghdad,
known as the surge strategy. The results so far have been uneven, he said:
“Conditions on the ground are deeply complex and are likely to continue to
evolve, meaning that we will need to constantly adapt.”
Although the committee was warm in its welcome for General Lute today, the
divisions among its members over war policy were plain. The chairman, Senator
Carl Levin, Democrat of Michigan, said that General Lute’s job would make him
“responsible for bringing coherence to an incoherent policy, a policy that is
still floundering after more than four years of war in Iraq.”
General Lute characterized the task a bit differently, saying his assignment was
to help “provide our troops and civilians in the field with increased focus,
full-time, real-time support here in Washington.” He said he would brief the
president daily on the status of the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, and then
convey the President’s instruction to commanders in the field.
“The aim is to bring additional energy, discipline and sense of urgency to the
policy process,” he said.
Some senators expressed doubt that General Lute could make much difference in
the prolonged conflicts. “I just fear you are going to be placed in an
impossible situation,” said Senator Jack Reed, Democrat of Rhode Island. “It’s
another public relations play rather than a significant change in strategy.”
Senator Evan Bayh, Democrat of Indiana, said: “You’ve been given a tough
assignment. I share my colleagues’ concern that a good man has been put in a
very difficult spot.”
General Tells Senate
U.S. Must Prevail in Iraq, NYT, 7.6.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/07/washington/07cnd-lute.html?hp
Bush Picks General to Coordinate War Policy
May 16, 2007
The New York Times
By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG
WASHINGTON, May 15 — The White House said Tuesday that President Bush ended
his lengthy search for a so-called war czar to carry out Iraq and Afghanistan
policy by offering the job to an active duty three-star Army general who said in
his interview that he had been skeptical of the troop buildup in Iraq.
Mr. Bush selected Lt. Gen. Douglas E. Lute, currently the top operations officer
for the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He will retain his active military status and
must be confirmed by the Senate, which approves new assignments for three- and
four-star generals.
“We needed to get the right concept, the right man — or woman — and we have,”
the national security adviser, Stephen J. Hadley, who led the search, said in an
interview on Tuesday evening.
If he is confirmed, General Lute would have the rank of assistant to the
president and deputy national security adviser, and would report directly to the
president. His job, which is part of a broader reorganization of the National
Security Council staff responsible for Iraq and Afghanistan, would be to brief
Mr. Bush every day on the two conflicts, and work with other government agencies
— including the Pentagon and the State Department — to carry out policy.
In a written statement, Mr. Bush called General Lute “a tremendously
accomplished military leader who understands war and government and knows how to
get things done,” adding that he had “played an integral role in implementing
combat operation plans in Iraq and Afghanistan.”
Even before the White House had made the news public, war opponents were using
the impending announcement to criticize the administration’s Iraq policy.
Americans Against Escalation in Iraq, an advocacy group, issued a statement
citing a remark General Lute made in an interview with the Financial Times in
August 2005, in which he argued for significant troop reductions. “You simply
have to back off and let the Iraqis step forward,” the general said at the time.
“You have to undercut the perception of occupation in Iraq.”
A spokesman said General Lute was not available for comment on Tuesday evening.
Mr. Hadley said the general had expressed his doubts, but that he now supports
the strategy.
“He said to me when he interviewed for this position, ‘Now, you need to
understand that I was skeptical of the surge,’ ” Mr. Hadley recalled, using the
administration term for the troop buildup in Iraq. He said that General Lute,
who helped to develop the strategy, had raised questions about whether “Iraqi
security forces would step up and contribute what they were supposed to do,” and
whether the Iraqi government was committed to political reconciliation and
providing economic resources.
“We developed a strategy that we thought answered those questions,” Mr. Hadley
said, adding, “He’s saying that he supports the strategy, very clearly supports
the strategy.”
The White House has spent more than a month searching for a high-profile general
to fill what Mr. Hadley described as an “implementation and execution manager”
for the conflicts.
The idea for the position has proved controversial. Some critics have said that
Mr. Hadley was abandoning responsibility for Iraq and Afghanistan, while others
cautioned against putting a military person in what has been a civilian role.
The job was also difficult to fill, as several retired generals said they were
not interested.
On Tuesday, Mr. Hadley said that while he had spoken to a number of people about
their interest and availability for the new position, no one had received a
formal offer until General Lute met Monday with the president.
Bush Picks General to
Coordinate War Policy, NYT, 16.5.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/16/washington/16warczar.html
Fighting the Terror of Battles That Rage in Soldiers’ Heads
May 13, 2007
The New York Times
By DAN FROSCH
COLORADO SPRINGS, May 8 — The nightmares that tormented Sgt. Walter Padilla
after returning home from Iraq in 2004 prompted extensive treatment by Army
doctors, an honorable discharge from the military and a cocktail of medication
to dull his suffering.
Still, Sergeant Padilla, 28, could not ward off memories of the people he had
killed with a machine gun perched on his Bradley fighting vehicle. On April 1,
according to the authorities and friends, he withdrew to the shadows of his
Colorado Springs home, pressed the muzzle of his Glock pistol to his temple and
squeezed the trigger.
Sergeant Padilla had been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder at Fort
Carson Army base here, where concerns over the treatment of returning soldiers
struggling with the condition, compelled members of Congress last month to ask
the Government Accountability Office to reassess the military’s mental health
policies.
A letter signed by nine senators refers to “a number of upsetting allegations”
at the base regarding a lack of treatment for soldiers with post-traumatic
stress disorder and the stigmatization of those with the condition. On Monday,
some of those senators’ staff members will visit Fort Carson to meet with
soldiers, families and commanders, the fourth time this year Congressional staff
members have traveled to the base.
The Army, reeling from fallout over its poor handling of outpatient soldiers at
Walter Reed Army Medical Center, dispatched Brig. Gen. Michael S. Tucker to
Colorado to speak with the base’s leaders and soldiers on Tuesday.
General Tucker, the deputy commander of Walter Reed, commended Fort Carson for
its treatment of post-traumatic stress and said he viewed the Congressional
visits as a means of highlighting the base’s programs that deal with the
condition, said an Army spokesman, Paul Boyce.
But Veterans for America, an advocacy group that has lobbied the Army and
Congress on behalf of returning soldiers, said the Army must do better,
particularly at Fort Carson, where soldiers with the stress disorder have spoken
of being punished by their commanders.
The base has 17,500 soldiers assigned to it, and about 26,000 of its soldiers
have been deployed to Iraq since the war began.
“Fort Carson is overwhelmed with men and women coming home from Iraq with
psychological injuries from war, and there are unit commanders here who don’t
understand these medical conditions,” said Steve Robinson, director of veterans
affairs for the group.
Col. John Cho, the base’s chief medical officer, said Fort Carson had treated
1,703 soldiers for post-traumatic stress disorder, or P.T.S.D., since 2003.
Colonel Cho disputed the assertion that problems at Fort Carson were widespread.
“We’re never going to fully eliminate the stigma associated with P.T.S.D., but
the leadership at Carson has been fully supportive of getting soldiers they help
they need,” he said.
The Army reports seven suicides of active duty soldiers at Fort Carson since
2004 but says it does not know if any were linked to the disorder. Sergeant
Padilla was not included among the seven because he died after being discharged.
Most recently, Staff Sgt. Mark Alan Waltz, who was being treated for
post-traumatic stress, was found dead in his living room on April 30. An autopsy
of Sergeant Waltz, 40, is pending, but his wife, Renea, believes her husband
died from a reaction to the antidepressants he was taking for stress and
painkillers prescribed for a back injury. Ms. Waltz is also convinced that the
psychological wounds he carried from battle played a part in his death.
Ms. Waltz said her husband was reluctant to seek treatment after returning from
Iraq in 2004 because he thought a diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder
would cost him his rank. She said the condition was eventually diagnosed and he
was referred for treatment. Even then, she said, he was “picked out, scrutinized
and messed with continually” by his commanding officers.
“It’s not right that our guys are going over to Iraq, doing their job, doing
what they’re supposed to do, and they when they come back sick, they’re treated
like garbage,” Ms. Waltz said.
Army officials at Fort Carson said Sergeant Waltz’s death was still under review
and, citing privacy laws, would not comment further.
Mr. Robinson, of Veterans for America, said the group’s research indicated that
since 2004, there had been at least six incidents in which Fort Carson soldiers
with stress disorder have died, either from suicide or from accidents involving
narcotics or medications.
In addition, the veterans group is investigating some 30 cases of Fort Carson
soldiers with post-traumatic stress disorder, traumatic brain injury or
personality disorders who have complained of mistreatment.
One case involves Specialist Alex Lotero, who returned from Iraq late last year
suffering from anxiety attacks and nightmares after dozens of combat missions,
including one in which his convoy was struck by a roadside bomb.
Specialist Lotero, a thick-muscled 20-year-old from Miami, said his superiors
treated his diagnosis disdainfully, showering him with obscenities and accusing
him of insubordination when he missed training for doctors’ appointments.
“They belittled my condition,” he said. “They told me I was broke, that I didn’t
have anything left.”
Specialist Lotero eventually checked himself into nearby Cedar Springs Hospital
for a few days and is waiting for his medical discharge request to be processed.
He points to his forearm, draped in a tattoo of a machine-gun wielding,
Vietnam-era soldier. The soldier’s face is ghoulish, his body gaunt and rotting.
“This is how I feel right now,” he said.
In an interview, Maj. Gen. Gale S. Pollock, the acting Army surgeon general,
said Fort Carson had taken “the bull by the horns” in combating the stigma
associated with post-traumatic stress disorder.
General Pollock said the Army was developing initiatives to lessen that stigma
and cited examples of officers publicly seeking treatment for combat stress as a
means of encouraging their soldiers to follow suit.
“We have to reinforce it again and again,” she said. “I talk with patients, and
many of them have looked at me through cheerful eyes and said, ‘You mean I’m not
crazy?’ ”
Lt. Col. Laurel Anderson, a psychiatric nurse in charge of behavioral health at
Fort Carson’s soldier readiness center, said the number of soldiers referred for
mental health screenings had risen from about 12 percent of those seen at the
center to 25 percent over the past year.
Colonel Anderson said soldiers sometimes refused her referrals to psychiatrists.
“They don’t want anyone to know,” she said.
This year, Colonel Anderson began training officers to de-stigmatize
post-traumatic stress disorder within their units. Another training session,
this one for noncommissioned officers, is scheduled for Monday.
The Army is also considering sending a unit to Fort Carson and other bases to
help soldiers navigate the administrative tangle of medical treatment. But
Sergeant Padilla’s death showed that even when a soldier feels comfortable
enough to seek treatment, that may not be enough.
Friends and family say Sergeant Padilla complained that antidepressants and
painkillers were no substitute for talking with someone who understood what it
was like to kill.
“He told me that the doctors weren’t helping him,” said his mother, Carmen
Sierra, in a telephone interview from her home in Puerto Rico. “He told me that
they couldn’t understand him, that he was still having those nightmares.”
A few months ago, Sergeant Padilla told his girlfriend, Mia Sagahon, that maybe
it was time he start speaking with a doctor again. He never did.
Fighting the Terror of
Battles That Rage in Soldiers’ Heads, NYT, 13.5.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/13/us/13carson.html
Pentagon Prepares 35, 000 Troops for Iraq
May 9, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 1:27 a.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Pentagon on Tuesday alerted more than 35,000 Army
soldiers that they could be sent to Iraq this fall. In Congress, House Democrats
defiantly pushed a plan to limit war funding to two-month installments.
The deployment orders signed by Defense Secretary Robert Gates would allow
commanders to maintain the buildup of troops through the end of the year if
needed. President Bush has ordered nearly 30,000 additional troops to Iraq to
quell a spike in violence, particularly in and around Baghdad. There are
currently about 146,000 U.S. troops in Iraq.
Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman said the orders do not mean the military has
decided to maintain the increased force levels through December. The Pentagon
''has been very clear that a decision about the duration of the surge will
depend on conditions on the ground,'' he said.
The announcement comes as Bush is under increasing pressure to pull troops out
of Iraq. Bush last week vetoed $124.2 billion legislation that would have funded
the war while requiring troops to start coming home this fall. According to a
CNN-Opinion Research Corp. poll released Tuesday, just over half of Americans
disapproved of the veto.
House Democratic leaders briefed party members Tuesday on new legislation that
would fund the Iraq war through July, then give Congress the option of cutting
off money after that if conditions do not improve. Bush requested more than $90
billion to fund the war through September.
The proposal is aimed at appeasing Democratic lawmakers who want to end the war
immediately and are urging leaders not to back down after Bush's veto last week.
But lacking a firm endorsement by the Senate, the challenge by House Democrats
seemed more for political show than a preview of another veto showdown with
Bush.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., told reporters before meeting with
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi that ''nothing's been ruled out and nothing's been
ruled in'' as he would continue to try to work with the White House.
House Democratic leaders struck a more defiant tone.
''I didn't commit to any compromise'' with the White House, said Pelosi,
D-Calif.
Asked whether Democrats were still talking with the White House, Rep. Rahm
Emanuel, D-Ill., said, ''They know what we're doing obviously. I don't think
their subscriptions to the newspapers ended at any time recently.''
Democratic leadership aides said Reid and Pelosi acknowledged in their meeting
Tuesday that the House plan would be considerably more difficult to pass in the
Senate, where 60 votes are often required and that the two chambers may have to
pursue different tracks.
Earlier in the day, Bush met with more than a dozen Democrats, most of whom with
fairly conservative voting records.
''They (the White House) seemed to be concerned about their relationship with a
number of us, and I think they should be,'' said Rep. Bud Cramer, D-Ala., one of
the members who attended. ''It's perplexing why we couldn't have had a couple of
these meetings earlier.''
The House bill would provide $30 billion to fund military operations through
July, as well as more than $12 billion more to pay for equipment, training
security forces in Iraq and Afghanistan and defense health. Some $15 billion
more would be provided for other high-priority projects, including $6.8 billion
for hurricane relief, $3.1 billion for base closings and $2.2 billion for
homeland security.
Under the proposal, Bush would have to update Congress by July 13 on whether the
Iraqi government was meeting certain political and security reforms. Congress
would decide 10 days later whether to end the war and bring troops home or
provide funding through September.
The House would vote separately this month on a bill providing about $3.5
billion in agricultural assistance and about $1 billion for rural schools,
wildfire relief and aid to salmon farmers.
''We're trying to prepare a second option so that if the administration wants to
continue to just hold its breath and turn blue until they get their money, we're
going to have another alternative,'' said Rep. David Obey, D-Wis., who planned
to brief White House chief of staff Josh Bolten on Tuesday.
White House spokesman Tony Snow called the approach ''just bad management.''
''We think it is appropriate to be able to give commanders what they are going
to need, and also forces in the field, so that you can make long-term decisions
in trying to build the mission,'' Snow said.
Congressional Republicans also dismissed the Democratic proposal as unfairly
rationing funds needed in combat and said their members would not support it.
Democrats ''should not treat our men and women in uniform like they are children
who are getting a monthly allowance,'' said Rep. John Boehner, R-Ohio, his
party's leader.
Gates and his military leaders have said that commanders in Iraq will make
recommendations in September on whether the buildup has been successful and
whether it should continue or if troops can begin coming home.
Snow and other administration officials have tried to tamp down expectations of
the September review, although several senior Republicans say it will prove
critical to whether the GOP continues to support the war.
Sen. Olympia Snowe, R-Maine, introduced legislation Tuesday that would require
the Iraqi government to meet certain benchmarks within four months. If Baghdad
fails, military commanders would begin planning to bring some troops home and
refocusing remaining forces on noncombat missions, such as training the Iraqi
security forces. Snowe's bill, co-sponsored by Sen. Evan Bayh, D-Ind., sets a
nonbinding goal of ending combat six months later.
------
Associated Press writer Ben Evans contributed to this report.
------
On the Net:
Defense Department:
http://www.defenselink.mil
Pentagon Prepares 35,
000 Troops for Iraq, NYT, 9.5.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-US-Iraq.html
Called, Increasingly, to a Somber Duty: Last Respects for the
Military’s Dead
May 5, 2007
The New York Times
By DAVID K. RANDALL
A gray Dodge Caravan with government plates stopped in a section of St.
Raymond’s Cemetery in the Bronx on Tuesday and three young soldiers in dress
blue uniforms stepped out. Specialist Rebecca Santana, 23, carried a black case
holding a ceremonial bugle. Staff Sgt. Noel Rodriguez, 26, and Specialist Ruben
Martinez, 23, walked toward a mound of fresh earth amid narrow rows of
well-tended graves. The three were there to serve as official Army
representatives at the funeral of a World War II veteran.
Sergeant Rodriguez and Specialists Santana and Martinez are members of the
Southern Section of the Honor Guard, a division of the New York Army National
Guard based at the Kingsbridge Armory in the Bronx that provides military honors
at military funerals in New York City, on Long Island and in southern
Westchester County.
The demand for their services is rising: On some days, details of two to seven
guards will serve at 30 or more military funerals.
“There is no end in sight for our job, unfortunately,” said Donald Roy, a former
master sergeant who is program director for the New York Military Forces Honor
Guard, which is responsible for handling military funerals statewide. Military
honor guards served at 9,136 funerals in New York State last year with members
of the Bronx guard serving at nearly 70 percent of them, Mr. Roy said
In many ways, the Bronx-based Honor Guard, which has 30 members, is a service
without politics, without medals and without heroics. Instead, it is part of a
solemn ritual that spans generations: On the same day, the Guard may serve at a
funeral for a soldier killed in Iraq and at one for a Korean War veteran.
The overwhelming majority of the military funerals, however, are for World War
II veterans, a generation that is dying nationwide at the rate of 1,600 per day,
according to military estimates. Mr. Roy said the number of funerals for World
War II veterans should peak in October 2008. “After that we’ll have a brief
slowdown until we reach Korea, and then it will pick back up again,” he said.
One reason for the large volume of work is a 2000 federal law requiring the
military to provide at least two soldiers for the funeral of any veteran whose
family requests the service. Since the law was enacted, the budget for the
statewide program has risen to $5.5 million from $700,000, Mr. Roy said.
For the soldiers who serve in the funeral details, the reasons for joining the
Honor Guard vary. For some it is patriotism. For others, it is also a reliable
part-time job that pays roughly $40 a day. And for others, it is a way to heal
the wounds of a continuing war.
When Staff Sgt. Melchiorre Chiarenza, 37, came back from Baghdad in 2006 after
serving with the 69th Infantry Division, commonly known as the Fighting 69th, he
could not leave the war behind. He said he saw 19 soldiers killed in action and
it was his job to identify their remains. “When I came home, they said I had
post-traumatic stress disorder, and I said ‘Yeah, that’s probably right,’ ” he
said. “The Honor Guard was therapy for me.”
Specialist Orlando Torres, 28, has served on the Honor Guard for almost four
years, and dreams of becoming a military chaplain. “I’m a Christian, and I
wanted to put my faith into service,” he said. “I pray a lot to get through this
job.”
Before Sgt. Ryan Comstock, 21, joined the Honor Guard, he nearly lost his older
brother, Ken, 25, an Army sergeant who was hit in the forehead by shrapnel in
2004 while driving a Humvee in Baghdad. Medics initially thought he would die,
but they were able to save him, and he was taken to Germany and then to Walter
Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, where a ceramic plate was inserted in
his forehead. All this happened in the same week Sergeant Comstock signed the
papers to join the service. Military officials went to his house in Glens Falls
and told him that he did not have to join, he said, but he thought not enlisting
would let his family and country down.
Partly because of his brother’s experiences, Sergeant Comstock said, funerals
for soldiers killed in action are the toughest. “It’s hard when you pick up the
casket and feel like there’s nothing inside of it,” he said. “You see their
pictures and they don’t look that much older than me, and you see their parents
and they don’t look much older than my parents.”
The emotional toll of serving on the Honor Guard is constant, Mr. Roy said.
Second Lt. Melvin Rodriguez, 27, said he sometimes finds it hard to maintain eye
contact with a dead veteran’s relative when handing over the flag. “You see all
of their emotions, and as soon as you start talking, they start crying,” he
said.
Sergeant Rodriguez, who is not related to Lieutenant Rodriguez, said he adds a
sentence offering his personal condolences to the official script Honor Guard
members say when presenting the flag.
Sergeant Comstock said his team members often spend time together outside work.
“You have to do things to blow off steam or else you’ll have kids in the mental
ward,” he said.
To serve on the Honor Guard, soldiers attend a weeklong training academy in
upstate New York where they learn the history of the State Honor Guard, which
mirrors the traditions of the Third Infantry Regiment, the unit responsible for
funerals at Arlington National Cemetery. Soldiers must also meet with a grief
counselor to talk about their role in military funerals and how to cope with
their work.
They also learn the rituals of a military funeral. For veterans who died with
less than 20 years of service, a three-person team folds a flag draped over the
coffin and presents it to the next of kin, and a soldier will sound taps on a
ceremonial bugle. For those with 20 years or more of service, four additional
soldiers are part of the detail and serve as a gun-salute party. And for
soldiers killed on active duty, a detail totaling 22 soldiers will also serve as
pallbearers and color guard, and will stand sentry over the coffin during a
wake.
On Tuesday night, a team of seven Honor Guard members enacted a mock funeral
service inside the 69th Regiment Armory in Manhattan as part of a presentation
for about 100 funeral home directors. Specialist Santana stood at a 45 degree
angle to a coffin, faced away from the crowd and sounded taps. Sgt. Comstock and
Specialist Torres were part of the gun-salute party, using M-14 rifles. Sergeant
Rodriguez and Specialist Martinez folded a flag, and Sergeant Rodriguez handed
it to a woman playing the role of next of kin.
Sergeant Rodriguez recited the same words he had said at the funeral earlier in
the day at St. Raymond’s Cemetery for the World War II veteran.
“As a representative of the United States Army, it is my high privilege to
present you this flag,” he said. “Let it be a symbol of the grateful
appreciation our nation feels for the distinguished service rendered to our
country and our flag by your loved one.”
Called, Increasingly, to
a Somber Duty: Last Respects for the Military’s Dead, NYT, 5.5.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/05/nyregion/05guard.html
Army Chief Wants to Speed Up Troop Hike
April 29, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 3:31 a.m. ET
The New York Times
SCHOFIELD BARRACKS, Hawaii (AP) -- The Army's new chief of staff said
Saturday he wants to accelerate by two years a plan to increase the nation's
active duty soldiers by 65,000.
The Army has set 2012 as its target date for a force expansion to 547,000
troops, but Gen. George Casey said he told his staff to have the soldiers ready
earlier.
''I said that's too long. Go back and tell me what it would take to get it done
faster,'' he said in an interview with The Associated Press during a stop in
Hawaii.
Casey became the Army chief of staff on April 12 after serving as the top U.S.
commander in Iraq for two-and-a-half years. He visited Hawaii for a few days in
a Pacific region tour to talk with soldiers and their families. He next heads to
Japan, South Korea and Alaska.
Casey said his staff has submitted a proposal for the accelerated timeline but
that he has yet to approve the plan. He said the Army was stretched and would
remain that way until the additional troops were trained and equipped.
Casey told a group of soldiers' spouses that one of his tasks is to try to limit
the impact of the strain on soldiers and their families.
''We live in a difficult period for the Army because the demand for our forces
exceeds the supply,'' he said.
A woman in the group asked Casey if her husband's deployments would stop getting
longer. She said they used to last for six months in the 1990s but then started
lasting 9 months and 12 months. Two weeks ago, she heard the Army's announcement
that deployments would be extended as long as 15 months.
''Do you honestly foresee this spiral, in effect, stopping?'' she asked.
Casey said the Army wants to keep deployments to 15 months, but ''I cannot look
at you in the eye and guarantee that it would not go beyond.''
Defense Secretary Robert Gates in January said he was recommending to the
president that the Army boost its active duty soldiers by 65,000 to 547,000.
Casey said about 35,000 of those additional soldiers are already in place.
Gates also recommended that the Marine Corps increase its active duty force by
27,000 to 202,000.
Army Chief Wants to
Speed Up Troop Hike, NYT, 29.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Army-Chief-Iraq.html
Pentagon: al - Qaida Operative Captured
April 27, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 10:42 a.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Pentagon said Friday it has custody of one of
al-Qaida's most senior and most experienced operatives, an Iraqi who was
attempting to return to his native country when he was captured.
Bryan Whitman, a Pentagon spokesman, said the captive is Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi.
He was received by the Pentagon from the CIA, Whitman said, but the spokesman
would not say where or when al-Iraqi was captured or by whom.
The Pentagon took custody of him at Guantanamo Bay this week, Whitman said.
Whitman said the terror suspect was responsible for plotting cross-border
attacks from Pakistan on U.S. forces in Afghanistan.
Pentagon: al - Qaida
Operative Captured, NYT, 27.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Terror-Capture.html
Air Force Said Strained by Ground War
April 24, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 12:20 p.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Pentagon's bolstering of its ground forces in Baghdad
by borrowing money and people from its sister services is further straining an
already tightly stretched Air Force, Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Michael
Moseley said Tuesday.
The result, Moseley said, is people being assigned to jobs they weren't trained
for. He cited Air Force airmen being used to guard prisoners and serve as
drivers and cited one instance in which a female Air Force surgeon was assigned
typing chores.
''We got her back,'' Moseley said at a breakfast with a group of reporters.
With President Bush and Congress locked in battle over Iraq spending, the
Pentagon is shifting money among services and accounts, including drawing down
funds earmarked for other later purposes, including meeting payrolls.
''Somebody's going to have to pay us back,'' Moseley said.
Bush has bristled at a Democratic agreement to set a timetable on the Iraq war
and has said he will veto such legislation once it reaches his desk.
Moseley said that over 20,000 airmen have been assigned into roles outside their
specialties.
Among these, having to guard detainees is a prime example, Moseley said.
''Not only do we not have a prison, but very rarely do we have anybody in
prison,'' he joked.
''So, to take our people and train them to be a detainee-guarding entity
requires `x' amount of time away from their normal job,'' said Moseley.
Moseley said he was trying to be realistic. ''We live in a joint world. We live
in a military that's at war. And we live in a situation where, if we can
contribute, then sign me up for it.''
Still, the Air Force general added, ''I'm less supportive of things outside our
competency.''
The general said that there is little money available to buy new aircraft and
that the Air Force is overseeing an aging fleet, some of its planes going back
to the 1950s and 1960s. ''Operational and maintenance costs have gone up 180
percent over the past 10 years, operating these old aircraft,'' he said.
On another subject, Moseley said that China was rapidly expanding its long-range
air force capabilities and was becoming ''very capable.''
''They're getting the ability to go beyond just a `Taiwan scenario,''' he said.
He expressed alarm at China's anti-missile test in January, in which it used a
missile to destroy one of its own old weather satellites.
China's motives remain unclear, but demonstrating that it can shoot down one of
its own satellites also suggests it could knock another nation's satellites out
of the sky if it chose, which Moseley said would be widely seen as ''an act of
war.''
He said the U.S. is now taking a close inventory of all satellites and debris
orbiting earth and studying potential vulnerabilities.
Air Force Said Strained
by Ground War, NYT, 24.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Air-Force-Woes.html
Use of Wiccan Symbol on Veterans’ Headstones Is Approved
April 24, 2007
The New York Times
By NEELA BANERJEE
WASHINGTON, April 23 — To settle a lawsuit, the Department of Veterans
Affairs has agreed to add the Wiccan pentacle to a list of approved religious
symbols that it will engrave on veterans’ headstones.
The settlement, which was reached on Friday, was announced on Monday by
Americans United for the Separation of Church and State, which represented the
plaintiffs in the case.
Though it has many forms, Wicca is a type of pre-Christian belief that reveres
nature and its cycles. Its symbol is the pentacle, a five-pointed star, inside a
circle.
Until now, the Veterans Affairs department had approved 38 symbols to indicate
the faith of deceased service members on memorials. It normally takes a few
months for a petition by a faith group to win the department’s approval, but the
effort on behalf of the Wiccan symbol took about 10 years and a lawsuit, said
Richard B. Katskee, assistant legal director for Americans United.
The group attributed the delay to religious discrimination. Many Americans do
not consider Wicca a religion, or hold the mistaken belief that Wiccans are
devil worshipers.
“The Wiccan families we represented were in no way asking for special
treatment,” the Rev. Barry W. Lynn, executive director of Americans United, said
at a news conference Monday. “They wanted precisely the same treatment that
dozens of other religions already had received from the department, an
acknowledgment that their spiritual beliefs were on par with those of everyone
else.”
A Veterans Affairs spokesman, Matt Burns, confirmed that the “V.A. will be
adding the pentacle to its list of approved emblems of belief that will be
engraved on government-provided markers.”
“The government acted to settle in the interest of the families concerned,” Mr.
Burns added, “and to spare taxpayers the expense of further litigation.”
There are 1,800 Wiccans in the armed forces, according to a Pentagon survey
cited in the suit, and Wiccans have their faith mentioned in official handbooks
for military chaplains and noted on their dog tags.
At least 11 families will be immediately affected by the V.A.’s decision, said
the Rev. Selena Fox, senior minister of Circle Sanctuary, a Wiccan church in
Wisconsin.
In reviewing 30,000 pages of documents from Veterans Affairs, Americans United
said, it found e-mail and memorandums referring to negative comments President
Bush made about Wicca in an interview with “Good Morning America” in 1999, when
he was governor of Texas. The interview had to do with a controversy at the time
about Wiccan soldiers’ being allowed to worship at Fort Hood, Tex.
“I don’t think witchcraft is a religion,” Mr. Bush said at the time, according
to a transcript. “I would hope the military officials would take a second look
at the decision they made.”
Americans United did not assert that the White House influenced the Veterans
Affairs Department. Under the settlement, Americans United had to return the
documents and could not copy them, though it could make limited comments about
their contents, Mr. Katskee said.
Americans United filed the lawsuit last November on behalf of several Wiccan
military families. Among the plaintiffs was Roberta Stewart, whose husband, Sgt.
Patrick Stewart, was killed in September 2005 in Afghanistan.
Ms. Stewart said she had tried various avenues to get the pentacle approved.
Late last year, Gov. Kenny Guinn of Nevada, her home state, approved the placing
of a marker with a pentacle in a Veterans Affairs cemetery in Fernley, east of
Reno. But Ms. Stewart said she had continued to pursue the lawsuit because she
wanted the federal government to approve the markers.
Other religious groups that have often opposed Americans United supported the
effort to have the government approve the pentacle.
“I was just aghast that someone who would fight for their country and die for
their country would not get the symbol he wanted on his gravestone,” said John
W. Whitehead, president of the Rutherford Institute, which litigates many First
Amendment cases. “It’s just overt religious discrimination.”
Use of Wiccan Symbol on
Veterans’ Headstones Is Approved, NYT, 24.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/24/washington/24wiccan.html
U.S. Pushes Missile Defense Plan
April 19, 2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 8:33 a.m. ET
The New York Times
BRUSSELS, Belgium (AP) -- The United States was intensifying efforts Thursday
to defuse Russian anger and allay European concerns over plans to extend
American anti-missile defenses to Europe.
Speaking ahead of talks with Russia and NATO allies, the director of the U.S.
Missile Defense Agency said the strategic defense shield was needed to deter
Iran and others in the Middle East from developing long range rockets that could
threaten Europe or North America.
''Nations like Iran, Syria and others see these weapons as very valuable weapons
because historically there has no been defense against those,'' Lt. Gen. Henry
A. Obering told a conference on Wednesday in Poland. ''But we are at a point now
that we have a defense against these weapons.''
Obering and Eric Edelman, the U.S. undersecretary of defense for policy, were to
brief allies and Russian officials at NATO headquarters.
Moscow has denounced the plan to install ten interceptor missiles in Poland and
radar scanners in the Czech Republic as a potential threat to its military
deterrent.
Russia's Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Ivanov insisted in an interview with
London's Financial Times that Iran would not have the capability to produce
intercontinental ballistic missiles in the ''foreseeable future.''
''Since there aren't and won't be (Iranian) ICBMs, then against whom, against
whom, is this system directed? Only against us,'' the paper quoted him as
saying. He warned that the U.S. plans risked provoking a new arms race.
''Whenever the shield is strengthened, the sword is strengthened afterward,'' he
told the FT. ''This is the eternal competition and here there is never going to
be a winner.''
Many NATO allies have also expressed concern that the U.S. plan risks creating
new tensions in Europe by alienating Russia, without necessarily adding to
security because many share doubts about Iran's ability to develop long-range
missiles, or about the effectiveness of the missile defenses.
Germany's government appears divided on the issue with Chancellor Angela Merkel
urging NATO to take up the discussions for a missile defense shield while her
Social Democrats coalition partners have voiced strong criticism of the U.S.
plans. French officials have also cast doubt on the US plan, saying NATO allies
nuclear strike force would be enough to deter any missile attack.
Such divisions have prevented the 26-nation NATO alliance from developing its
own plans for strategic missile defense, although its leaders last year ordered
further study into the possibility of developing an alliance shield.
At Thursday's talks, U.S. officials are expected to offer cooperation with
Russia and NATO allies in building up strategic defenses, stressing that all
could face the danger of a rogue missile attack on their territory.
''We want to cooperate with Russia,'' Edelman, said recently in Washington.
''The threat is one that they face as well as one that we face. In fact, they
come within range of these missiles before we do.''
NATO is already working with Russia on plans to develop battlefield protection
against short-range missiles. That NATO system, due to be ready by 2016, could
be combined with the U.S. long-range missile defenses to provide territorial
cover for European nations, alliance officials have suggested.
That could allay concerns that the U.S. installations would create a two-tier
defense system within NATO by offering a protective umbrella to much of northern
Europe while leaving southern allies such as Turkey, Greece and Bulgaria
exposed.
U.S. Pushes Missile
Defense Plan, NYT, 19.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-NATO-Missile-Defense.html?hp
Army Reserve falters on recruitment
10.4.2007
USA Today
By Tom Vanden Brook
WASHINGTON — The Army Reserve, whose troops drive trucks on bomb-riddled
roads and help set up local governments in Iraq and Afghanistan, is struggling
to recruit soldiers.
The Army Reserve missed its recruiting goal by 5% last year and is 9% short
of its target this year, records show. Halfway through the 2007 budget year, it
was nearly 1,300 soldiers short of its midyear goal of 14,273.
Reserves provide much of the logistical support for troops in combat, such as
transporting tanks from Kuwait to Iraq or helping local governments.
Reserve combat engineers are in demand for clearing roads of homemade bombs
known as improvised explosive devices.
Before the 9/11 terror attacks, reservists could count on training one weekend a
month and two weeks in the summer. They might be called to active duty in an
emergency.
Those days are over, said Lt. Gen. Jack Stultz, the Army Reserve's top officer.
Stultz, who will testify before Congress today, told USA TODAY that "we need to
recognize that the Army Reserve has changed."
Stultz wants to deploy his troops, who hold civilian jobs or often are in
college, once every five years. But he acknowledged that some Reserve units get
only two years at home between deployments.
About 22,000 of the 190,000 Army Reserve soldiers are deployed abroad, most of
them in Iraq and Afghanistan.
An additional 10,000 are on active duty in the USA, many of them serving as
drill sergeants training recruits.
Active-duty troops traditionally moved into the Reserves after the end of their
regular commitment. Now, more reservists opt to go into the active-duty Army.
"Those soldiers leaving active duty are questioning whether they want to join
the Army Reserve because of (our) operational tempo," Stultz said.
That problem will last as long as large numbers of troops are needed in Iraq,
said Daniel Goure, a military analyst at the Lexington Institute in Arlington,
Va.
"If I go to active duty, I don't have the problem of being surprised," Goure
said. "I know I'll be getting deployed, and I'll train for it year-round."
To attract more reservists, Stultz wants to assure active-duty soldiers that
they'll have at least two years at home before redeploying. He also wants to
offer higher bonuses to soldiers willing to return to a war zone sooner. "One of
the things I have to do is offer them some stability," Stultz said.
In June, the Reserve will start a bonus program similar to the National Guard's.
It will pay $2,000 to soldiers who help enlist a recruit.
"If they can't recruit," Goure said, "they're going to have a whale of a time in
a few years."
Still, the Reserve has exceeded its goal by 13% this year in re-enlisting
soldiers, according to the Army. More than 10,000 reservists have re-enlisted.
Stultz called the reservists sent to battle the "best trained and best equipped
we've ever had."
Army Reserve falters on
recruitment, UT, 10.4.2007,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2007-04-10-army-reserve-recruitment_N.htm
Iraq Looms Closer for 13,000 Reservists
April 10, 2007
The New York Times
By LIZETTE ALVAREZ
As many as 13,000 National Guard soldiers from Arkansas, Indiana, Ohio and
Oklahoma got an official heads-up yesterday that they should expect possible
deployment to Iraq by year’s end or in 2008, sooner than scheduled.
Most of these soldiers have already been deployed in the past few years, and
several thousand have served at least one tour in Iraq, underscoring just how
profoundly the National Guard’s role has shifted since 2003.
The Guard will be deploying newly formed infantry brigade combat teams of about
3,500 soldiers. The teams are intended to integrate the Guard better with
active-duty forces, and their creation makes its deployment cycles more
predictable and helps it get the resources it needs to perform its mission.
While the announcement issued by the Department of Defense yesterday was not
unexpected, it moves the National Guard in these four states higher up the
priority list for equipment allotments. The Guard has experienced equipment
shortages.
It also signals to families and employers that they should begin preparing for
another long separation, although this time the deployment is not supposed to
exceed one year.
Many families of National Guard soldiers, who tend to be older than active-duty
forces, have a particularly hard time coping with long deployments. The soldiers
often have children, and because their families may live far from the resources
and culture of military centers, they can feel a keener sense of isolation.
Employers, particularly small-business owners, also feel the strain of long
deployments because they have to reinstate soldiers on their return.
In some cases, families face financial hardship when a soldier deploys. In
others, the soldiers wind up making more money.
Still, some soldiers say they view their deployment or redeployment to Iraq as a
part of the job. The fact that they may be deploying sooner than expected, in
some cases two years sooner, is not good news for them, but for many, a sense of
duty prevails.
“As far as multiple deployment, I don’t know anybody who is jumping up and down
for joy,” said Staff Sgt. Kelly W. Collier, 35, an intelligence analyst who is
part of the 39th Brigade of the Arkansas National Guard, one of the four
brigades to receive an alert.
Sergeant Kelly last deployed to Iraq in 2004. “I have five children,” he said.
“It’s tough. The first go-around was almost unbearable at times. I won’t deny
that. It was very, very difficult.”
“Thirty-two hundred soldiers have given up their lives, and their families have
sacrificed in the hope of making us safer,” Sergeant Kelly added. “I don’t think
any Democrat wants us to be unsafe and I don’t think any Republican is a
warmonger. But we’ve started down this path, and I think about those 3,200
guys.”
Sgt. Matt Sciranka, 23, of the Ohio National Guard, has already served in
Tikrit, Iraq. In 2004 Sergeant Sciranka was part of an engineer battalion that
put up buildings and other structures. But that did not deter him from recently
re-enlisting for six more years.
“I figured that there might be another deployment along the way,” said Sergeant
Sciranka, who attended Ohio State University in the evening. “It doesn’t really
bother me. I love the military and want to do whatever the country needs me to
do.”
His mother, on the other hand, wants to keep him as close as possible, in part
because Sergeant Sciranka’s twin brother is also on the possible deployment
roster.
“It’s Mom being Mom,” he said. “She feels the war needs to finish up, that our
mission needs to be completed. She doesn’t want to see me go again.”
Despite the war, the National Guard offices in Oklahoma and Ohio say they have
not struggled to find recruits or retain soldiers. In a way, now that the war is
clearly a part of their mission and bonuses have increased, finding soldiers has
become less arduous, officers in both offices said.
Maj. Gen. Harry Wyatt III, the adjutant general of Oklahoma, said the alert,
which should lead to mobilization orders later in the year, had one clear-cut
benefit. Oklahoma’s 45th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, which was not expected to
deploy until 2010, is now promised the equipment it sorely needs to train and
serve in Iraq.
“There is a shortage of equipment,” General Wyatt said. “We don’t have enough
rifles, night vision goggles, Humvees. We need the equipment by summer to do an
efficient job.”
Of the 3,500 Guard members in the Oklahoma brigade, 75 percent to 80 percent
have been deployed somewhere — be it Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo — at least once.
An estimated 35 percent of the Oklahoma Guard’s troops will be deployed next
year, if the mobilization orders come through.
Steve Barnes contributed reporting from Little Rock, Ark.
Iraq Looms Closer for
13,000 Reservists, NYT, 10.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/us/10reserves.html
Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters
April 9, 2007
The New York Times
By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
Army prosecutions of desertion and other unauthorized absences have risen
sharply in the last four years, resulting in thousands more negative discharges
and prison time for both junior soldiers and combat-tested veterans of the wars
in Iraq and Afghanistan, Army records show.
The increased prosecutions are meant to serve as a deterrent to a growing number
of soldiers who are ambivalent about heading — or heading back — to Iraq and may
be looking for a way out, several Army lawyers said in interviews. Using
courts-martial for these violations, which before 2002 were treated mostly as
unpunished nuisances, is a sign that active-duty forces are being stretched to
their limits, military lawyers and mental health experts said.
“They are scraping to get people to go back, and people are worn out,” said Dr.
Thomas Grieger, a senior Navy psychiatrist. Though there are no current studies
to show how combat stress affects desertion rates, Dr. Grieger cited several
examples of soldiers absconding or refusing to return to Iraq because of
psychiatric reasons brought on by wartime deployments.
At an Army base in Alaska last year, for example, “there was one guy who
literally chopped off his trigger finger with an axe to prevent his deployment,”
Dr. Grieger said in an interview.
The Army prosecuted desertion far less often in the late 1990s, when desertions
were more frequent, than it does now, when there are comparatively fewer.
From 2002 through 2006, the average annual rate of Army prosecutions of
desertion tripled compared with the five-year period from 1997 to 2001, to
roughly 6 percent of deserters, from 2 percent, Army data shows.
Between these two five-year spans — one prewar and one during wartime —
prosecutions for similar crimes, like absence without leave or failing to appear
for unit missions, have more than doubled, to an average of 390 per year from an
average of 180 per year, Army data shows.
In total, the Army since 2002 has court-martialed twice as many soldiers for
desertion and other unauthorized absences as it did on average each year between
1997 and 2001. Deserters are soldiers who leave a post or fail to show up for an
assignment with the intent to stay away. Soldiers considered absent without
leave, or AWOL, which presumes they plan to return, are classified as deserters
and dropped from a unit’s rolls after 30 days.
Most soldiers who return from unauthorized absences are punished and discharged.
Few return to regular duty.
Officers said the crackdown reflected an awareness by top Army and Defense
Department officials that desertions, which occurred among more than 1 percent
of the active-duty force in 2000 for the first time since the post-Vietnam era,
were in a sustained upswing again after ebbing in 2003, the first year of the
Iraq war.
At the same time, the increase highlights a cycle long known to Army
researchers: as the demand for soldiers increases during a war, desertions rise
and the Army tends to lower enlistment standards, recruiting more people with
questionable backgrounds who are far more likely to become deserters.
In the 2006 fiscal year, 3,196 soldiers deserted, the Army said, a figure that
has been climbing since the 2004 fiscal year, when 2,357 soldiers absconded. In
the first quarter of the current fiscal year, which began Oct. 1, 871 soldiers
deserted, a rate that, if it stays on pace, would produce 3,484 desertions for
the fiscal year, an 8 percent increase over 2006.
The Army said the desertion rate was within historical norms, and that the surge
in prosecutions, which are at the discretion of unit commanders, was not a
surprise given the impact that absent soldiers can have during wartime.
“The nation is at war, and the Army treats the offense of desertion more
seriously,” Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb, an Army spokeswoman, said. “The Army’s
leadership will take whatever measures they believe are appropriate if they see
a continued upward trend in desertion, in order to maintain the health of the
force.”
Army studies and interviews also suggest a link between the rising rate of
desertions and the expanding use of moral waivers to recruit people with poor
academic records and low-level criminal convictions. At least 1 in 10 deserters
surveyed after returning to the Army from 2002 to mid-2004 required a waiver to
enter the service, a report by the Army Research Institute found.
“We’re enlisting more dropouts, people with more law violations, lower test
scores, more moral issues,” said a senior noncommissioned officer involved in
Army personnel and recruiting. “We’re really scraping the bottom of the barrel
trying to get people to join.” (Army officials agreed to discuss the issue on
the condition that they not be quoted by name.)
The officer said the Army National Guard last week authorized 34 states and Guam
to enlist the lowest-ranking group of eligible recruits, those who scored
between 16 and 30 on the armed services aptitude test. Federal law bars recruits
who scored lower than 16 from enlisting.
Desertions, while a chronic problem for the Army, are nowhere near as common as
they were at the height of the Vietnam War. From 1968 to 1971, for instance,
about 5 percent of enlisted men deserted.
But the rate of desertion today, after four years of fighting two ground wars,
is “being taken much more seriously because we were losing so many soldiers out
of the Army that there was a recognized need to attack the problem from a
different way,” said an Army criminal defense lawyer.
In interviews, the lawyer and two other Army lawyers each traced the spike in
prosecutions to a policy change at the beginning of 2002 that required
commanders to welcome back soldiers who deserted or went AWOL.
Before that, most deserters, who are often young, undistinguished soldiers who
have fallen out of favor with their sergeants, were given administrative
separations and sent home with other-than-honorable discharges.
The new policy, ordered by the secretary of the army, effectively eliminated the
incentive among squad sergeants to urge returning AWOL soldiers to stay away for
at least 30 days, when they would be classified as deserters under the old rules
and dropped from the roll.
But some unit commanders, wary of scrutiny from their superiors, go out of their
way to improperly keep deserted soldiers on their rosters, and on the Army’s
payroll, two officers said in interviews. To counter that, the Army adopted a
new policy in January 2005 requiring commanders to formally report absent
soldiers within 48 hours.
Such problems are costly. From October 2000 to February 2002, the Army
improperly paid more than $6.6 million to 7,544 soldiers who had deserted or
were otherwise absent, according to a July 2006 report by the Government
Accountability Office.
Most deserters list dissatisfaction with Army life or family problems as primary
reasons for their absence, and most go AWOL in the United States. But since
2003, 109 soldiers have been convicted of going AWOL or deserting war zones in
Iraq or Afghanistan, usually during their scheduled two-week leaves in the
United States, Army officials said.
With the Iraq war in its fifth year, a new subset of deserter is emerging,
military doctors and lawyers said: accomplished soldiers who abscond
reluctantly, as a result of severe emotional trauma from their battle
experiences.
James, a 26-year-old paratrooper twice deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, went
AWOL in July after being reassigned to Fort Bliss, Tex., an Army post in the
mountainous high-desert region near El Paso.
“The places I was in in Iraq and Afghanistan look exactly like Fort Bliss,” said
James, who agreed to talk about his case on the condition that his last name not
be printed. “It starts messing with your head — ‘I’m really back there.’ ”
In December, he and another deserter, Ronnie, 28, who also asked that his last
name not be used, tried to surrender to the authorities at Fort Bliss. A staff
sergeant told them not to bother, James said.
James and Ronnie, who both have five years of service, suffer from
post-traumatic stress disorder and abuse alcohol to self-medicate, said Dr.
David M. Walker, a former Air Force psychiatrist who has examined both men.
With help from lawyers, James and Ronnie returned to Fort Bliss on Tuesday. They
were charged with desertion and face courts-martial and possibly a few months in
a military brig.
“If I could stay in the military, get help, that’s what I want,” said Ronnie,
who completed an 18-month combat tour in Kirkuk, Iraq, with the 25th Infantry
Division in 2004.
The Army said combat-related stress had not caused many soldiers to desert.
Major Edgecomb, the spokeswoman, said more than 80 percent of the past year’s
deserters had been soldiers for less than three years, and could not have been
deployed more than once.
Morten G. Ender, a sociologist at the United States Military Academy at West
Point, said soldiers’ decisions to go AWOL or desert might come in response to a
family crisis — a threat by a spouse to leave if they deploy again, for
instance, or a child-custody battle.
“It’s not just that they don’t want to be in a war zone anymore,” Dr. Ender
said. “We saw that a lot during Vietnam, and we see that a lot in the military
now.”
Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters,
NYT, 9.4.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html
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