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History > 2015 > USA > Politics (I)
The Cuomo family in 1977,
from left:
Madeline, 13; Margaret, 22; Christopher, 7; Maria, 15; Mario;
Matilda; and Andrew, 19.
Tyrone Dukes/The New York Times
Mario Cuomo, Former New York Governor,
Governor’s Father and an Eloquent Liberal Beacon, Dies at 82
NYT
1.1.2015
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/02/nyregion/mario-cuomo-new-york-governor-and-liberal-beacon-dies-at-82.html
The Real Voter Fraud Is Texas’ ID Law
AUG. 7, 2015
The New York Times
The Opinion Pages | Editorial
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
For years, voter identification laws have been sold as a sensible
antidote to fraud at the polls. Many people, including Supreme Court justices,
have bought that fallacious line, even though in-person fraud is essentially
nonexistent.
Now, slowly but surely, such laws are being revealed for the racially
discriminatory, anti-voter schemes that they are.
On Wednesday, a federal appeals court panel unanimously agreed that Texas’ voter
ID law had a discriminatory effect on black and Latino voters, and therefore
violates the 1965 Voting Rights Act. It was the first time a federal appeals
court had ruled against such a law. It was also a sign that the Voting Rights
Act remains functional, despite the 2013 Supreme Court decision that cut out a
key provision requiring federal oversight of jurisdictions, like Texas, with
histories of racial discrimination.
The Texas law, passed in 2011 by a Republican-dominated Legislature, is one of
the strictest in the nation. It requires voters to take a government-issued
photo ID to the polling place. But not all IDs will do. Student IDs and even
voter registration cards are not acceptable, while a permit to carry a concealed
weapon is.
Last year, after a lengthy trial, a federal judge in Corpus Christi struck down
the law, finding that more than 600,000 Texans — disproportionately poor, black
and Latino — lacked the necessary ID and could be barred from voting. Compare
that number with instances of voter fraud: Out of 20 million votes cast during
the 10 years before the law was passed, there were two convictions for voter
impersonation fraud.
Judge Nelva Gonzales Ramos of Federal District Court ruled that the law violated
several provisions of the Constitution, including the ban on poll taxes, because
it forced registered voters to track down or pay for the necessary documents.
She also ruled that it was passed with the intent to discriminate against black
and Latino voters, who tend to vote Democratic. This was particularly important
because only a finding of intentional discrimination opens the door to the
reinstatement of federal supervision over Texas’ voting laws.
For decades, that supervision had been essential in blocking thousands of
discriminatory measures — as it did Texas’ voter ID law — before they could harm
voters. But the Supreme Court threw out the formula in 2013 that determined
which states and localities needed permission to change their laws, saying it
was outdated.
Within hours of that ruling, Texas resurrected its voter ID law.
Unfortunately, the appeals court ruling on Wednesday rejected Judge Ramos’s
finding that the law was enacted with the intent to discriminate. It said the
evidence she relied on — Texas’ “uncontroverted and shameful history” of racial
discrimination in voting, as well as comments by lawmakers who were opposed to
the law — was not enough. It ordered her to reconsider her finding of
intentional discrimination using different evidence.
The voter ID issue will almost certainly be decided by the Supreme Court. The
justices last considered such a law in 2008, upholding Indiana’s statute despite
a total lack of evidence of fraud. Justice John Paul Stevens, now retired, who
wrote the 2008 decision, has since admitted misgivings about voter ID laws. So
has Richard Posner, a federal appeals judge in Illinois who had previously
upheld the Indiana law, but later said that these laws are “a means of voter
suppression rather than of fraud prevention.”
How much more do the justices need to see before they reach the same conclusion?
A version of this editorial appears in print on August 7, 2015,
on page A26 of the New York edition with the headline: The Real Voter Fraud Is
Texas’ ID Law.
The Real Voter Fraud Is Texas’ ID Law,
NYT, AUGUST 7, 2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/07/opinion/the-real-voter-fraud-is-texas-id-law.html
The Growing
Shadow of Political Money
JAN. 24, 2015
the new York Times
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
SundayReview | Editorial
Like bettors checking Las Vegas odds on the Super Bowl,
specialists in the nation’s booming campaign finance industry are tracking the
action in the 2016 elections, not so much to assess the candidates as to see how
much of a payout is likely this time around in the grand casino of American
politics.
The record total of $6.3 billion spent on the presidential and congressional
elections of 2012 is only the starting point. Estimates of next year’s likely
total are running between $7.5 billion and $8 billion. This moneyed universe is
certain to keep expanding as the political industry’s managers and their
candidates master the unlimited fund-raising and spending devices they now have
at hand.
The sheer numbers should be enough to raise public alarm. But needed reforms are
going nowhere, with too many congressional members busy bolstering their
incumbency with the help of the same large-scale donors. In last year’s
elections, the 100 biggest campaign check writers gave $323 million, plus many
millions more in anonymous donations to politically active “social welfare”
groups and other new money troughs. According to a report by Politico, total
spending by the 100 ultra-donors exceeded that of the 4.75 million ordinary
Americans who made smaller donations of $200 or less.
The risk of special-interest corruption? Five years ago, when the Supreme
Court’s Citizens United decision dashed decades of sensible controls by equating
unlimited corporate and union spending with individual free speech, Justice
Anthony Kennedy reassured the nation that full disclosure of donors would be
safeguard enough.
He envisioned a world, nonexistent, where disclosure lets citizens “see whether
elected officials are ‘in the pocket’ of so-called moneyed interests.” But
Congress then killed healthy disclosure requirements, and the way things are
working out, with untraceable donations on the rise, it’s more the reverse: a
case of moneyed interests moving snugly into the pockets of grateful officials.
Citizens United is just one of the threats to fair campaigning that is posed by
runaway money. No less pernicious has been the rise of the nonprofit groups
posing as “social welfare” organizations, while in truth they are political
machines. This fiction is garnering large donations from players seeking to hide
under protections in the tax code. The I.R.S. has timidly retreated from
policing this abuse because of Tea Party complaints. The Federal Election
Commission, charged with policing campaigns, is even more inert, paralyzed by an
enforcement standoff engineered by Republican commissioners.
Antidotes to the politics of toxic money, in the form of a package of reforms,
were offered last week to the new Congress. One would rein in the super-PAC
cornucopia of big money for candidates pretending to be uninvolved. Another
would strengthen ordinary Americans’ political speech by updating the public
financing system for presidential elections and creating a badly needed new one
for congressional races. A third, delivering on Justice Kennedy’s dream, would
mandate full disclosure of large-scale contributions and of the identities of
affluent donors now playing politics from the shadows.
But so far, reform of any sort has been no more than a dream. In this
unresponsive Congress, it is likely to remain so.
A version of this editorial appears in print on January 25, 2015,
on page SR12 of the New York edition with the headline: The Growing Shadow of
Political Money.
The Growing Shadow of Political Money,
JAN 24, 2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/25/opinion/sunday/the-growing-shadow-of-political-money.html
Mario Cuomo’s Life in Public Service
JAN. 2, 2015
The New York Times
The Opinion Pages | Editorial
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
Mario Cuomo, the former governor of New York, came on the
political scene with a surpassing idealism about the potential of government and
a passion for defending its power to address the plights and hopes of ordinary
citizens. Well before his three terms ended, he had become an eloquent champion
of those values for the entire country.
“At the heart of the matter we are bound one to another,” Mr. Cuomo declared in
his keynote speech that electrified the 1984 Democratic National Convention, a
speech many Americans replayed on the Internet after Mr. Cuomo’s death on
Thursday.
“Make this nation remember how futures are built,” he said, in stirring words
that resounded with New Deal liberalism and directly challenged President Ronald
Reagan’s view that “Government is not the solution to our problem, government is
the problem.” Mr. Cuomo’s devotion to public service was a rebuke of that idea.
His career may have been rich in might-have-beens — a presidential run? a
Supreme Court seat? — but Mr. Cuomo was resolutely true to himself at critical
moments.
He stoutly defended abortion rights in the face of opposition from the leaders
of his Catholic faith. He repeatedly vetoed attempts to restore the death
penalty in the face of legislators’ grandstanding. As a gifted mediator, he
helped settle a riot at Sing Sing prison in which 19 hostage guards were freed,
in contrast to the 1971 Attica prison riot in which 10 hostages and 33 inmates
died.
No one seemed more refreshing in the grueling politics of New York than Mr.
Cuomo when he came out of Queens in the 1970s to challenge City Hall’s
condemnation of a working-class Corona neighborhood for redevelopment. The
courtroom orator cited each lawn Madonna and backyard vineyard of residents he
knew by name.
In his convention speech more than a decade later, he called for government to
defend the full array of powerless Americans, from unemployed steelworkers to
the homeless in Chicago. He had burnished this message as a political neophyte
and incumbent, always telling of his parents’ immigrant strivings and hopes. His
death is being mourned by generations of New Yorkers, and his son, Gov. Andrew
Cuomo, in his own second inaugural address on Thursday, paid homage to his
father’s beliefs.
Much of what Mr. Cuomo said at the 1984 convention feels prophetically relevant
in today’s debate about the wealth gap between the top 1 percenters and all the
Americans below. He excoriated Republicans for a policy of “make the rich
richer,” warning that the nation was more of a “tale of two cities” than a
“shining city on the hill.”
For all his idealism, Mr. Cuomo’s years as governor were dogged by economic
recession that blunted his hopes to leave great programs and innovation as his
legacy. He had to cut services and scratch for scarce revenue.
What he certainly left, however, was a demonstration that the power to inspire
citizens to demand a more humane society and better government is a vital gift.
A version of this editorial appears in print on January 3, 2015,
on page A16 of the New York edition with the headline: Mario Cuomo’s Life in
Public Service.
Mario Cuomo’s Life in Public Service, NYT,
2.1.2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/03/opinion/mario-cuomos-life-in-public-service.html
Mario Cuomo,
Former New York Governor,
Governor’s Father
and an Eloquent Liberal Beacon,
Dies at 82
JAN. 1, 2015
The New York Times
By ADAM NAGOURNEY
Mario M. Cuomo, the three-term governor of New York who commanded
the attention of the country with a compelling public presence, a forceful
defense of liberalism and his exhaustive ruminations about whether to run for
president, died on Thursday at his home in Manhattan. He was 82.
His family confirmed the death, which occurred only hours after Mr. Cuomo’s son
Andrew M. Cuomo was inaugurated in Manhattan for a second term as governor.
Mario Cuomo led New York during a turbulent time, 1983 through 1994. His
ambitions for an activist government were thwarted by recession. He found
himself struggling with the State Legislature not over what the government
should do but over what programs should be cut, and what taxes should be raised,
simply to balance the budget.
In an era when liberal thought was increasingly discredited, Mr. Cuomo, a man of
large intellect and often unrestrained personality, celebrated it, challenging
Ronald Reagan at the height of his presidency with an expansive and affirmative
view of government and a message of compassion, tinged by the Roman Catholicism
that was central to Mr. Cuomo’s identity.
A man of contradictions who enjoyed Socratic arguments with himself, Mr. Cuomo
seemed to disdain politics even as he embraced it. “What an ugly business this
is,” he liked to say. Yet he reveled in it, proving himself an uncommonly
skilled politician and sometimes a ruthless one.
He was a tenacious debater and a spellbinding speaker at a time when political
oratory seemed to be shrinking to the size of the television set. Delivering the
keynote address at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in San Francisco, he
eclipsed his party’s nominee, former Vice President Walter F. Mondale, seizing
on Reagan’s description of America as “a shining city on a hill” to portray the
president as unaware of impoverished Americans. “Mr. President,” he said, “you
ought to know that this nation is more a ‘tale of two cities’ than it is just a
‘shining city on a hill.’ ”
The speech was the high-water mark of his national political career, making him
in many ways a more admired figure outside his state than in it.
He enjoyed victories in New York. He closed the Shoreham nuclear plant on Long
Island, ending a long and divisive fight over its potential dangers. He signed
ethics legislation under a cloud of scandals involving state lawmakers and their
employees.
But he may be remembered more for the things he never did than for what he
accomplished. His designs on the presidency became just flirtations. He
encouraged President Bill Clinton to consider him for a seat on the Supreme
Court but pulled back just as the offer was about to be made in 1993. For all
his advocacy of an activist government, he did not always practice it, or could
not, because of the fiscal obstacles he encountered in Albany.
Always given to self-doubt and second-guessing, Mr. Cuomo said that if he had
any regrets about his governorship, it was that he had never identified himself
with a large initiative that might have been his legacy, as the expansion of the
State University of New York was for Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller.
Mr. Cuomo noted that he had built more prison cells than any chief executive in
the state’s history. But he added, “What I didn’t do was pick one thing and keep
saying it over and over again, so I could have gotten credit for it.”
He had a pointed sense of humor. When an engine failed in a puff of smoke on a
state-owned Gulfstream G-1 jet one morning with the governor aboard, he barely
noticed, and kept talking about national politics until he noticed that a
reporter across the way had stopped taking notes and had turned ashen. “What’s
the matter?” he asked. “Aren’t you in a state of grace?”
Mr. Cuomo, the first Italian-American to be elected governor of New York, served
longer than any of his 51 predecessors except Rockefeller. He might have
surpassed Rockefeller, but in seeking a fourth term in 1994, he was defeated by
George E. Pataki, a little-known Republican state senator from Peekskill. Mr.
Cuomo’s advisers had counseled him not to run again, but he overruled them.
Andrew Cuomo, a former housing secretary under President Clinton, sought to
become governor himself in 2002, but withdrew from the Democratic field amid an
uproar over remarks he had made questioning Governor Pataki’s leadership after
the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. He ran again in 2010 and was elected. It was a
redemptive moment for the Cuomo family, and the first time in New York’s history
that a father and son had been elected chief executive. Andrew Cuomo was handily
re-elected in November.
Mario Cuomo, a lawyer by profession, could trim his sails in the face of
opposition, but he held to more than a few positions that went against the grain
of public opinion. Most prominent was his opposition to the death penalty, an
unpopular view that contributed to his defeat by Edward I. Koch in the 1977
mayoral primary in New York and that nearly derailed his first bid for governor.
His annual veto of the death penalty became a rite, and he invoked it as a
testimony to his character and principles.
He was similarly resolute when he defied his church in 1984 by flying to the
University of Notre Dame to proclaim that Roman Catholic politicians who
personally opposed abortion, as he did, could appropriately support the right of
a woman to have an abortion.
Mr. Cuomo’s essentially liberal view of government never wavered, even after he
effectively lost the argument when Democrats embraced the centrist Mr. Clinton.
Years afterward, Mr. Cuomo would produce a copy of a speech he delivered to the
progressive New Democratic Coalition in 1974, reading passages aloud with the
same electric spirit and rolling cadences that had made him so evocative a
speaker.
In the end, two images of Mr. Cuomo endure. The first is of him, as governor,
commanding the lectern at the 1984 Democratic convention, stilling a sea of
delegates with his oratory. The second is of two chartered airplanes on the
tarmac at the Albany airport in December 1991, waiting to fly him to New
Hampshire to pay the $1,000 filing fee that would put his name on the state’s
Democratic primary ballot for president.
Mr. Cuomo, whose tortuous deliberations over whether to seek the White House had
led pundits to call him “Hamlet on the Hudson,” put the decision off until 90
minutes before the 5 p.m. filing deadline. Then he emerged from the Executive
Mansion to announce to a news conference at the Capitol that he would not run.
The demands of negotiating a stalled state budget, he said, prevented him
entering the race.
“It seems to me I cannot turn my attention to New Hampshire while this threat
hangs over the head of the New Yorkers that I’ve sworn to put first,” he said.
That explanation failed to persuade even his closest friends, and in the years
to come they would recall the two planes sitting forlornly on the tarmac as
symbols of the governor’s unrealized promise.
First Love Was Baseball
Mario Matthew Cuomo was born in Queens on June 15, 1932, the fourth child of
Andrea and Immaculata Cuomo. His parents, penniless and unable to speak English,
had come to the United States from the province of Salerno, south of Naples,
settling at first in Jersey City.
Mario grew up in the Queens neighborhood of South Jamaica, where the family had
moved and opened a grocery store. Mario worked in the store and on Saturdays
served as the “Shabbos goy” for an Orthodox synagogue up the street, providing
services as a non-Jew that the faithful were not allowed to do for themselves on
the Sabbath. South Jamaica — an “Italian-black-German-Irish-Polish
neighborhood,” as Mr. Cuomo described it — provided him with a career’s worth of
anecdotes.
It was baseball, not politics, that first engaged him, and he proved as
aggressive in one as in the other. After graduating from St. John’s Preparatory
School in Queens in 1949, he played on the freshman baseball team at St. John’s
University.
A strapping six feet tall, 190 pounds at age 19, he signed a contract to play
center field for the Class D Brunswick Pirates in Georgia in 1952, reportedly
receiving a $2,000 signing bonus, sizable for that time. Mr. Cuomo “plays hard”
and “will run over you if you get in his way,” a Pirates scout wrote.
His baseball career was short-lived. Knocked in the head with a 3-and-2 fastball
that summer, he was left blind for a week and forced to give up the game —
leaving with a .244 batting average.
Mr. Cuomo went back to St. John’s and graduated in 1953, having majored in Latin
American studies, English and philosophy. By then he had settled on a law career
and married Matilda N. Raffa, a fellow student. On a scholarship he enrolled in
St. John’s Law School; while he studied there, his wife, who survives him,
supported them as a teacher.
Besides her and Andrew Cuomo, Mr. Cuomo is survived by four other children, Dr.
Margaret I. Cuomo, Maria Cuomo Cole, Madeline Cuomo O’Donohue and Christopher
Cuomo, a journalist at CNN; and 14 grandchildren.
Mr. Cuomo’s first job in the law was as the confidential assistant to Judge
Adrian P. Burke of the New York State Court of Appeals, which Mr. Cuomo would
reshape 30 years later by appointing all seven members, including Judith S.
Kaye, the first woman to serve as chief judge.
His job with Judge Burke and his law school success — he graduated at the head
of his class — led Mr. Cuomo to assume that in entering private practice he
would have his pick of New York’s leading law firms. Instead, one after another
rejected him, in his view because he was Italian-American. “I obviously am the
original ethnic from Queens: my hands, my face, my voice, my inflections,” he
said. The experience fed a lifelong disdain for anybody who struck Mr. Cuomo as
elitist.
He joined a Brooklyn law firm, Corner, Weisbrod, Froeb & Charles, in 1963 and
entered public life the next year, when he took up the case of junkyard dealers
whose property had been condemned; the planner Robert Moses wanted the land, 67
acres, to expand the site of the 1964 World’s Fair. Mr. Cuomo won a suit
prohibiting the use of state funds for the project, and three years later the
city decided against seizing the property for parkland.
That victory brought him to the attention of 69 families facing eviction from
their homes in a blue-collar Italian-American neighborhood in Corona, Queens,
where the city wanted to build a school. Mr. Cuomo pressed the city and the
courts into a compromise — a smaller school — that preserved 55 of the homes.
And in 1972 Mayor John V. Lindsay recruited him to mediate a far more volatile
city-neighborhood dispute, in Forest Hills, Queens, where middle-class families
were trying to block construction of low-income public housing. Mr. Cuomo forged
a compromise that cut the project in half.
Entering Elective Politics
His successes impressed state Democratic leaders, and in 1974 Mr. Cuomo, at 42,
entered elective politics as the party’s choice for lieutenant governor. He was
challenged in a primary, however, by Mary Anne Krupsak, a state senator from
upstate, who defeated him and was elected as the running mate of Hugh L. Carey,
a Democratic congressman from Brooklyn.
Mr. Carey, a fellow St. John’s alumnus, named Mr. Cuomo secretary of state, a
relatively low-profile job in which Mr. Cuomo settled a rent strike at Co-op
City in the Bronx and mediated a land dispute involving a Mohawk reservation.
It was Mr. Carey who urged Mr. Cuomo to run for mayor of New York in 1977.
Accepting the challenge with some trepidation, he found himself in a primary
brawl with six brash New York politicians, among them Mr. Koch and Bella S.
Abzug. In the first round Mr. Cuomo came within a percentage point of the
winner, Mr. Koch, and the two headed into a runoff.
It was a harsh campaign. In one instance placards appeared in middle-class
neighborhoods proclaiming, “Vote for Cuomo, Not the Homo.” (Mr. Koch declined to
answer questions about his sexual orientation.)
Mr. Cuomo and his son Andrew, a campaign adviser, denied having anything to do
with the placards, though Mr. Koch said he never fully believed it. At the same
time, Mr. Koch was hammering Mr. Cuomo for his opposition to the death penalty.
Mr. Cuomo replied that mayors had no vote on the issue and that in any case he
supported a life sentence without parole for capital offenses. Mr. Koch won the
runoff handily.
Continue reading the main story
Mr. Cuomo, on the Liberal Party line as well, was pressed to step aside in the
general election. He refused, and lost to Mr. Koch for the third time. But he
had learned a lesson. “I swore when it was over, to myself and everyone else,
that I would never do that again,” he said. “I will never run a race that I
don’t have my whole heart in.”
Despite friction between Mr. Cuomo and Governor Carey, the two needed each other
in 1978, when Lieutenant Governor Krupsak withdrew from the Carey re-election
ticket and announced she would challenge the governor for the Democratic
nomination, portraying him as incompetent. Mr. Carey asked Mr. Cuomo to be his
running mate, and they won easily, in both the primary and the general election.
Mr. Cuomo’s chance for the governor’s mansion came when Mr. Carey announced he
would not seek a third term, in 1982. Declaring his candidacy, Mr. Cuomo once
again found himself in a race with Mr. Koch. Though the mayor was the party
favorite, Mr. Cuomo won enough votes at the Democratic convention in Syracuse to
force a primary.
Mr. Koch’s candidacy was undermined from the start by the publication of an
interview in Playboy magazine in which he disparaged life upstate and in the
suburbs as “sterile” and lamented the prospect of living in the “small town” of
Albany.
Mr. Cuomo proceeded to overwhelm Mr. Koch with muscular campaigning and a
command of New York politics resulting in part from his years in Albany building
a support network of state party leaders, local officials and union organizers.
But he did not win over Mr. Carey, whose relationship with Mr. Cuomo remained
strained. The governor endorsed Mr. Koch. But it did not matter in the end: Mr.
Cuomo defeated Mr. Koch by almost 100,000 votes.
In the general election, amid a national recession, Mr. Cuomo tied his
Republican opponent, the businessman Lewis E. Lehrman, to President Reagan’s
economic policies and pounded him in debates, noting that Mr. Lehrman was rich
enough to finance much of his campaign. At one point Mr. Cuomo theatrically
fixed his gaze on Mr. Lehrman’s wristwatch and remarked, “That’s a very
expensive watch, Lew.”
On Nov. 2, 1982, at age 50, Mr. Cuomo became the 52nd man to be elected New
York’s governor, defeating Mr. Lehrman by about 180,000 votes out of more than
five million cast.
Mr. Cuomo was sworn in on Jan. 1, 1983, before 2,600 people in the convention
center of the Nelson A. Rockefeller-Empire State Plaza in Albany. (It was the
first time since 1929 that the ceremonies were not held in the ornate but far
smaller Assembly chamber.)
His inaugural address struck a familiar theme, calling on state government to
“be a positive source for good.” But for a national audience it also offered a
critique of Reagan policies and a liberal vision for the country. Fiscal
prudence, Mr. Cuomo asserted, did not prevent government from providing “shelter
for the homeless, work for the idle, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope
for the destitute.”
Continue reading the main story
With his mother seated onstage with him, Mr. Cuomo finished his speech by urging
his audience to “pray that we all see New York for the family that it is.” Then
he glanced up and invoked his father, who died in 1981 at 79, saying, “Pop,
wherever you are — and I think I know — for all the ceremony and the big house
and the pomp and circumstance, please don’t let me forget that.”
From the start, Mr. Cuomo was a storm of energy and ideas. Within days, in the
role of mediator again, he faced down a prison strike at Ossining — the old Sing
Sing — in which 19 guards were held hostage. After 53 hours, the hostages were
freed. He went on to veto the death penalty.
But Mr. Cuomo could not satisfy everyone’s hopes. He responded to an inherited
$1.8 billion deficit by proposing tax increases and deep cuts in the state
payroll, stunning the labor unions that had supported him. Many other supporters
grew disenchanted.
He seemed inexhaustible, though. Reporters and legislators discovered that he
was apt to pick up his own phone if they called his office on a Friday evening.
“I’m sleeping less and less,” he said. “I work all the time. I’m not saying
that’s a virtue.”
He displayed a restless intellect and a love of learning. He liked to cite the
French theologian and Jesuit priest Teilhard de Chardin (1881-1955), who wrote
that endeavors should be based not on personal ambition, which can be a sin, but
on a desire to contribute to the greater good of mankind and God.
There were other clues to Mr. Cuomo’s manner. His precise parsing of an argument
suggested indecision or even disingenuousness and sometimes brought him
ridicule. Once, while fencing with reporters, he walked himself into the
unlikely position of denying that the Mafia existed. “You’re telling me that the
Mafia is an organization,” he said, “and I’m telling you that’s a lot of
baloney.”
In public he might respond to criticism with expressions of indignation and
frustration; in private, with rage, often directed at legislators and reporters,
often expressed in obscenity-laden early-morning telephone calls. The problem,
he said in an interview at the time, was that people were not paying close
enough attention to his words.
Taking On Reagan
By 1984, a presidential election year, there was a different view of Mr. Cuomo
outside New York. An eloquent spokesman for liberal politics, he stood out in a
relatively barren field of Democrats with national stature. And behind the
scenes, two close advisers, his son Andrew and Tim Russert, who went on to host
“Meet the Press,” saw an opportunity. They successfully lobbied the party to
invite Mr. Cuomo to deliver the keynote speech at the Democratic National
Convention in San Francisco.
On the night of July 16, as the lights at the Moscone Center were dimmed — a bit
of stage management orchestrated by the two advisers — Mr. Cuomo seized his
moment, depicting President Reagan as having turned his back on struggling
Americans.
“A shining city is perhaps all the president sees from the portico of the White
House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well,” Mr.
Cuomo said. “But there’s another part to the shining city. In this part of the
city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more
people who need help but can’t find it.”
He became the story of the convention, overshadowing the nominee, Mr. Mondale,
and an instant prospective candidate for president in 1988 should Mr. Mondale
fail, as he was widely expected to do (and did).
In the excitement of the evening, many Democrats failed to notice that the
object of this attention had left for the airport, for a flight back to Albany.
Mr. Cuomo liked to sleep in his own bed.
That fall, with Mr. Mondale on his way to a crushing defeat, Mr. Cuomo
volunteered that if he decided to seek the presidency in 1988, he would not seek
a second term as governor in 1986. The declaration reflected how much interest
there was in the governor at the time. It was also perceived as undercutting Mr.
Mondale in the last weeks of his campaign, which many Democrats assumed was Mr.
Cuomo’s intention.
By then Mr. Cuomo, who kept a full-time pollster on his staff, had realized that
every time there was speculation about his presidential ambitions, his
popularity at home soared. Preparing for his own re-election campaign in 1986,
he kept his hand in national politics, traveling across the nation and preparing
for overseas travel.
His re-election campaign should have been a triumph; instead it was by all
appearances an unhappy passage. Until the final week he had declined to debate
his overmatched Republican opponent, Andrew P. O’Rourke, the Westchester County
executive, and had been irate at suggestions that such behavior was
unsportsmanlike. He won a record 65 percent of the vote, but rather than
celebrating, he retreated to his office in a quarrelsome mood. A few weeks
later, he said to a reporter for The New York Times: “You set out to hurt me,
and you succeeded. I hope you sleep well.” The next morning, he called the
reporter back at home, offering an apology from “an old man with a bad back.”
The election behind him, Mr. Cuomo announced a new schedule of national travel,
encouraging renewed speculation about his interest in the White House. So it
came as a surprise one evening in February 1987 when Mr. Cuomo, making his
regular appearance on a radio call-in show, declared that he would not run.
Power Declines at Home
Mr. Cuomo turned his attention to Albany. He and the Legislature agreed to a new
ethics code governing state and local government officials and state employees.
He proclaimed 1988 the beginning of the decade of the child, 1989 the year to
fight drug abuse and 1990, when he was up for re-election again, the year of the
environment.
But after Vice President George Bush, the Republican nominee for president,
defeated Gov. Michael S. Dukakis, the Democrat, in 1988, speculation about Mr.
Cuomo inevitably grew again.
But he was no longer the formidable figure in New York he had been. His
popularity ratings had dropped. State legislators, who had never been fond of
him, were emboldened to challenge him. He pinned the blame for this erosion of
support on the way the news media had covered his response to all the talk about
a presidential run.
“You’ve done everything but call me a liar,” he told The Washington Post,
speaking generally of the press. “You said that I was cute. You said that I
misplayed the game. You said that I was really waiting for another scenario.
Well, the net result of that is it costs me credibility, because you spent all
those months saying I was conning people.”
Recession, too, was looming and state revenues were declining. Still, in 1990,
he won a third term. His Republican opponent, Pierre A. Rinfret, a financial
consultant and economics adviser to presidents, had not been taken seriously
even by his own party.
It was a convincing but unsatisfying victory: Mr. Cuomo had done better against
Mr. O’Rourke four years before.
When he returned to Albany to deliver his ninth State of the State address, Mr.
Cuomo suggested diminished ambitions for his next term. “This is a wonderful
year for raw truth,” he said. “We don’t have any money.”
But he had one more presidential flirtation left in him: in October 1991, while
on a trip to Chicago, he said he was “looking at” a run. Many of his supporters
had grown weary of such talk, some viewing it as a ruse to reinvigorate his
sagging political image. And that December, with the planes waiting on the
runway, he announced again that he would not be a candidate for president.
It always bothered him, Mr. Cuomo said years later, that no one had taken him at
his word. He would have run, he said in an interview for this obituary, had
Republicans simply agreed to his request to pass a budget.
“I somehow got this reputation of diddling and dithering,” Mr. Cuomo said. “I
don’t remember dithering at all.”
Stunned by Pataki
Mr. Cuomo’s remaining years in Albany were a series of grim footnotes as he
struggled to keep the government afloat in worsening times. Mr. Clinton was on
the verge of naming him to the Supreme Court when he asked that his name be
withdrawn; Mr. Cuomo later said that he had never wanted the job.
When the 1994 election season began, he seemed unaware of how much his
popularity had eroded. He was stunned, he said, that someone like Mr. Pataki
could pose a serious challenge to someone with his credentials. Mr. Pataki
defeated him by five percentage points.
Mr. Cuomo returned to Manhattan to work for the law firm of Willkie Farr &
Gallagher, write books and give speeches. He grew wealthy and, he said, happy.
He was always attuned to how he was perceived by the public, and when invited to
sum up his own life for this obituary, he characteristically turned to
self-deprecating humor.
“People asked me what I want as an epitaph,” Mr. Cuomo said. He then reprised a
line he had used many years earlier traveling across upstate New York, a fresh
public figure displaying astonishing talent and obvious potential.
“He tried,” Mr. Cuomo said.
A version of this article appears in print on January 2, 2015, on page A1 of the
New York edition with the headline: Governor, Governor’s Father and an Eloquent
Liberal Beacon.
Mario Cuomo, Former New York Governor,
Governor’s Father and an Eloquent Liberal Beacon, Dies at 82,
NYT,
1.1.2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/02/nyregion/
mario-cuomo-new-york-governor-and-liberal-beacon-dies-at-82.html
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