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History > 2016 > UK > Politics (I)

 

 

 

From Great Britain to Little England

 SundayReview | Opinion        NYT        By NEAL ASCHERSON        JUNE 16, 2016

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/19/opinion/sunday/from-great-britain-to-little-england.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

David Cameron resigns

after UK votes to leave European Union

PM announces resignation
following victory for leave supporters
after divisive referendum campaign

 

Friday 24 June 2016

10.44 BST

Last modified on Friday 24 June 2016

14.11 BST

The Guardian

Heather Stewart,

Rowena Mason and Rajeev Syal

 

David Cameron has resigned, bringing an abrupt end to his six-year premiership, after the British public took the momentous decision to reject his entreaties and turn their back on the European Union.

Just a year after he clinched a surprise majority in the general election, a visibly emotional Cameron, standing outside Number 10 on Friday morning alongside his wife, Samantha, said: “The will of the British people is an instruction that must be delivered.”

The prime minister campaigned hard in the divisive referendum on Britain’s relationship with the EU, appearing at hundreds of public events up and down the country to argue that Brexit would be an act of “economic self-harm”.

But a frustrated electorate used the poll to reject the status quo and, as the Ukip leader, Nigel Farage, described it, “stick two fingers up” at Britain’s politicians.

“I was absolutely clear about my belief that Britain is stronger, safer and better off inside the EU. I made clear the referendum was about this, and this alone, not the future of any single politician, including myself.

“But the British people made a different decision to take a different path. As such I think the country requires fresh leadership to take it in this direction,” Cameron said.
Nicola Sturgeon says second Scottish referendum 'highly likely' – as it happened

The prime minister’s team were left shocked and distraught by the narrow win for leave, with 52% of the vote, after polls had suggested a move towards a comfortable margin for remain in the final few days of campaigning.

In the statement announcing his intention to step down, Cameron highlighted the key achievements of his premiership, including rebuilding the economy after the financial crisis and legislating to allow gay marriage.

The process of choosing his successor will now begin, with Tory MPs selecting a two-person shortlist, which will then be presented to the party’s members in the country to make a final decision.

Cameron called the referendum as a calculated gamble, aimed at silencing the Eurosceptics in his own party for a generation.

Yet he had underestimated the backing Vote Leave would receive on his own backbenches; and reckoned without the charismatic and popular former mayor of London, Boris Johnson, becoming its figurehead.

Johnson, whose support among the Tory membership shot up after he declared himself for out, is now widely seen as the most likely successor to the prime minister.

The former mayor of London insisted on Friday there was “no need for haste” in negotiating Britain’s exit. Speaking at Vote Leave’s headquarters, Johnson struck a statesmanlike tone, paying tribute to Cameron’s leadership. “This does not mean that the UK will be in any way less united; nor indeed does it mean that it will be any less European,” he said.

Michael Gove, speaking alongside Johnson, said representatives from all parts of Britain, and from different political traditions, should be involved in the negotiations.

Cameron said it would be best for his successor to negotiate the terms of Britain’s exit – and to trigger article 50 of the Lisbon treaty, which begins the formal process of withdrawal, adding that he had already discussed his intentions with the Queen.

The prime minister promised to stay on until the autumn, to “steady the ship”; but suggested a new leader should be in place by the start of the Conservative party’s conference in October.

Other leading Brexiters may fancy their chances against Johnson, including Andrea Leadsom, Liam Fox, Priti Patel and Dominic Raab.

Michael Gove, the justice secretary, has always strongly denied he wants the top job but has consistently polled well in surveys of grassroots Conservatives in recent months.

Party modernisers are likely to rally around an alternative candidate – perhaps Theresa May, Stephen Crabb or Nicky Morgan – in an effort to stop Johnson and other leave campaigners, who tend to be on the right of the party.

George Osborne’s chances of succeeding the prime minister are effectively over after he fought so forcefully alongside Cameron to remain in the EU.

The scale of anger about the chancellor’s role in the campaign was laid bare when more than 60 Tory MP said they would refuse to back the “Brexit budget” he said would be necessary if Britain voted to leave.

A narrow victory for remain early in the night for Newcastle, which had been expected to reject Brexit by a stronger margin, set the pattern for later results. There was a sharp divide across Britain, with London and other major cities, and Scotland, voting to remain in the EU, while smaller towns and more deprived economic areas backed Brexit.

Cameron and Osborne – who were both closely involved in running the campaign – wheeled out an array of global policymakers and experts, including the governor of the Bank of England, Mark Carney, and the US president, Barack Obama, to make the case that leaving the EU would inflict severe economic damage.

But Gove caught the public mood when he said the public had had enough of “experts”.

The London stock market plunged at the start of trading at 8am on Friday, as a wave of selling swept the City amid fears about the economic consequences of Britain trying to survive outside the EU single market.

The FTSE 100 plunged by 550 points at one stage, a fall of 8.6%. But the blue-chip index then stabilised, and is currently down 327 points, or 5.2%, at 6009 after Cameron’s statement.

The pound has clawed back from its worst lows, but is still down 7.5% at $1.375 against the US dollar. It has lost 13 cents since the polls closed on Thursday night, when opinion polls suggested a remain victory.

A Whitehall source said the first priority for Cameron’s post-Brexit administration was to steady the financial markets by ensuring that there would be a smooth transition to a new prime minister.

To that end, there has already been “contact” between Downing Street with both Boris Johnson and Michael Gove, the source said. David Cameron is expected to arrange a meeting with both, which “will be awkward to say the least”, within the next 48 hours.

Cameron’s statement was expected to be delivered at 7am but it finally came after 8.15am, a quarter of an hour after the markets opened. Labour will hold a shadow cabinet meeting on Friday morning to calibrate its response.

David Cameron resigns after UK votes to leave European Union,
G, 24 June 2016,
http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/24/
david-cameron-resigns-after-uk-votes-to-leave-european-union

 

 

 

 

 

If you inject enough poison

into the political bloodstream,

somebody will get sick

 

Friday 17 June 2016

13.54 BST

Last modified on Friday 17 June 2016

18.09 BST

Jonathan Freedland

 

For weeks, months and years “politician” has been a word more spat out than said. MPs have been depicted as a form of pond life, routinely placed on the lowest rung of the ladder of esteem, trusted less than estate agents and journalists, the butt of every panel show gag, casually assumed to be venal, mendacious, vain, stupid or malevolent.

“They’re all as bad as each other,” we say. “They’re only in it for themselves.” “You can’t believe a word they say.” These complaints are repeated so often, we barely notice them. They’re like moans about the weather, presumed to warrant no disagreement.

But then we are confronted with the fate, and the life, of Jo Cox. We learn that she was a devoted mother of two young children. We see the pictures of her putting shoes on her daughter’s tiny feet. We hear that she fizzed with energy and commitment to those suffering, far away and closer to home. We learn that her friends loved her and hear them break down as they remember her. We see that she burned with a fierce idealism, that she was devoted to her home town of Batley, that she wanted to make life better for people other than herself.

And none of that quite fits with what we thought “politician” meant. Yet the funny thing is, this is what most of them are actually like. It’s the dirty little secret of political life: that, yes, there are some politicians who are all about ego and vanity and hogging the camera; but there are countless more who get and seek little public attention, who toil away, knocking on doors, fielding complaints about broken drains and noisy neighbours, who work daytimes, evenings and weekends, and who are rewarded by little thanks – and often a downpour of abuse.

What accounts for this loathing of our elected public servants, the men and women we have chosen to represent us? Some of it they bring upon themselves, to be sure – and there’s no denying that the standing of MPs plummeted after the expenses affair of 2009 (though they were hardly revered before then).

The media have certainly played their part. Think of the interviews conducted as if every politician belongs automatically in the dock, interrogations that proceed on a premise famously cited by Jeremy Paxman: why is this lying bastard lying to me?

Social media has intensified this hostility and made it even more sharply personal. The abuse directed at women – whether elected politicians or not – who dare to voice an opinion in public, the threats of rape and murder: all of it has further polluted the atmosphere.

We don’t yet know what was in the mind of the man who killed Jo Cox. Latest reports suggest the suspect in the case had links to a neo-Nazi, white supremacist group in the US. But even if we cannot locate a specific cause in the nation’s political debate and claim this murder as its direct effect, we can say this: that if you inject enough poison into the political bloodstream, eventually somebody will get sick.

In the early 1990s I watched as it became a staple of US debate that all America’s woes were the fault of the federal government. On the right, it became incontestable to blame “government bureaucrats” for any and every problem. On talk radio – the social media of that era – “government bureaucrats” were assailed daily as the enemy, worthy only of contempt. And then, on 19 April 1995, Timothy McVeigh planted a bomb in a building in Oklahoma City filled with government bureaucrats, and killed 168 people. Perhaps McVeigh was mentally unstable, but that hardly weakens the point: even the mentally unstable hear the conversation around them.

And how has our national conversation sounded in recent weeks? As it happens, before Jo Cox was so brutally murdered I had a plan for the column I would write today. Its headline was to be “Behold the demons we have unleashed”. It was to convey my deep anxiety about the darker loathings stirred by the debate over next week’s EU referendum.

It would have cited the violence in France involving English football fans, who chanted the usual anti-French and anti-German songs but also “Fuck off, Europe – we’re all voting out”.

It would have mentioned the incident, witnessed by a Financial Times correspondent, in which England fans threw coins at child beggars in the streets, enjoying the children’s humiliation as they bent down to pick them up. The same fans made one seven-year-old boy down a bottle of beer to earn his reward.

You could say those fans would always have behaved that way. But none of us is an island. We take our cues from the signals around us. And the recent signals have included a loathing of the European Union and a resistance to immigration that is clearly heard by many as nothing more than hostility to foreigners.

The poster Nigel Farage unveiled on Thursday morning turned that dog-whistle into a foghorn: under the phrase “Breaking Point”, it showed a snaking queue of conspicuously dark men, suggesting these were EU migrants descending on Britain. (In fact they were Syrian refugees arriving in Slovenia, with no chance of getting anywhere near Britain.) It was unambiguously racist.

And throughout this campaign, there has been a drumbeat denouncing “the Westminster elite”, castigating all politicians, along with anyone in authority or in a public position of expertise, as either a liar or the corrupt dupe of a wicked Brussels conspiracy.

Perhaps this had nothing to do with the cruelty that deprived two children of their mother yesterday. Maybe it’s a coincidence that the killer struck at this moment. Maybe it’s a coincidence that he targeted an MP who was a passionate advocate of remaining inside the EU, and whose signature issue had been a campaign to admit Syrians in desperate need of refuge.

Maybe it’s a coincidence that she was a member of a political class that has been reviled for years and with heightened fervour in recent weeks. Maybe it’s a coincidence that she was an advocate for a position depicted by its most fevered opponents as unpatriotic and verging on treason.

We don’t yet know. But what we do know is that this campaign has torn away at a fabric that took years to weave, one that ensured we could argue with each other without challenging the basic legitimacy of our opponents, one that had grown to accept diversity as a strength rather than a threat to be feared, one that allowed us to keep calm and civil even when we disagreed passionately.

Whatever happens next Thursday, it will take time to repair that fabric. But repair it we must. For what we have learned this week is that the veil that separates civilisation from mayhem is thin. The tragedy is that it took the death of a devoted, admired and adored woman to teach us that lesson.

If you inject enough poison into the political bloodstream,
somebody will get sick,
G, 17 June 2016,
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jun/17/
political-contempt-politicians-eu-referendum

 

 

 

 

 

From Great Britain to Little England

 

JUNE 16, 2016

The New York Times

By NEAL ASCHERSON

 

London — IT was Queen Elizabeth’s official 90th birthday celebration last Sunday, and tables for 10,000 guests were set along the Mall in central London. Steadily the rain fell, dripping out of the tubas of the bands and softening the sandwiches, but Her Majesty’s subjects munched on with stoic British spirit, standing up to cheer as she passed.

In her fuchsia coat and matching hat, she waved and grinned as if nothing had changed and never would. But next week, a very great change may come.

On Thursday, Britons will vote in a referendum on whether their country should stay in the European Union or leave it. If a majority opts for “Brexit,” a long earthquake begins. It will topple the old facade of Britishness. It will disrupt, perhaps mortally, the foundations of European unity. The sense of a fateful moment suddenly peaked on Thursday, when, the police say, a young Labour member of Parliament named Jo Cox was shot to death in her West Yorkshire district by a man who is said to have shouted, “Put Britain first!” and to have been involved in the white-supremacist National Alliance in the United States.

All campaigning was suspended for a day of appalled mourning, amid fears that widespread anxiety about European immigration was being inflamed into violent racialism. Ms. Cox was a rising star, admired in and outside Parliament for her selfless energy on behalf of refugees and the poor. Her friends hope her death may cool referendum passions, reminding sullen voters that “not all politicians are in it for themselves.”

Royal ceremonies offer a brief, reassuring illusion of continuity, but at the back of many minds on the Mall was this thought: Could we be saying goodbye not just to this beloved old lady, but to a certain idea of nationhood? An outward-looking, world-involved Great Britain may soon shrink into a Little England.

As the queen’s guests finished their tea in sight of the familiar gray mass of Buckingham Palace, opinion polls showed the Brexit vote surging. The early lead for the Remain campaign has melted away. In less than a week, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland could be tearing up its European treaties and backing into Atlantic isolation.

The slogan “Take back control!” has been showing up everywhere in the last two weeks. It’s about sovereignty: the idea that unelected bureaucrats in Brussels, not the Westminster Parliament, make the laws of England. Above all, it means taking control of the country’s frontiers. This would break decisively with a sacred principle of the European Union: the free movement of people, which, for more than 20 years under the Schengen Agreement, has allowed Europeans to travel among member states without passport checks, and live and work in those countries with no visa requirements.

With fateful timing, the latest official figures for net migration to Britain, published at the end of May, showed the second-highest annual number on record, 333,000 in 2015; European Union nations accounted for more than half of that figure. This was far higher than government targets, and played directly into the Leave campaign’s refrain about “uncontrolled immigration.”

Is it a baseless panic? Many European countries tolerate far higher levels of immigration. Scotland, with a new community of some 55,000 Poles, actively encourages it. In England, support for Brexit and for the xenophobic U.K. Independence Party is often in inverse proportion to the scale of the problem: The fewer immigrants there are in a town, the louder the outcry against foreigners. In contrast, polling in inner London, where about four out of 10 inhabitants are now foreign-born, shows a clear preference for staying in Europe. By chance, Ms. Cox’s killing fell on the same day that UKIP unveiled a poster titled “Breaking Point?” It shows a mass of black and brown refugees pouring toward a frontier. With grief still raw, there has been widespread revulsion at the poster, now reported to the police on grounds of “incitement to racial hatred.”

The English, normally skeptical about politics, have grown gullible. Both sides pelt the voters with forecasts of doom should the other side win. None are reliable, and the Leave figures have been especially deceitful. Remainers predict an economic armageddon of lost growth, a devalued pound and withered City of London. The Leavers’ Conservative leaders, assuming the mantle of a government in waiting, promise that “their” Britain could cover all the lost European subsidies and grants to farmers, poor regions, universities and schools. Evidence that they could find these additional billions is scant.

But there are deeper motives here than anxiety about the exchange rate or banks in London decamping to Frankfurt. Behind Brexit stalks the ghost of imperial exception, the feeling that Great Britain can never be just another nation to be outvoted by France or Slovakia. There’s still a providential feeling about Shakespeare’s “sceptred isle” as “this fortress built by Nature.” Or as an old Royal Marines veteran said to me, “God dug the bloody Channel for us, so why do we keep trying to fill it in?”

But in a Britain after Brexit, there will be internal border issues to worry about. London politicians look nervously north toward Scotland. Home to less than 10 percent of Britain’s population, Scotland has enjoyed a high degree of self-government since 1999. The pro-independence Scottish National Party dominates the country’s politics, consolidating its grip after losing a close-fought independence referendum in 2014.

Most Scots insist that they want to stay in the European Union. So what happens if a British majority says Leave and Scotland is dragged out of Europe against its will?

Many nationalists will demand an immediate new independence referendum. But Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland’s shrewd and popular first minister, will want to wait until polls show a settled majority of Scottish voters in favor of leaving the British state. It’s Ms. Sturgeon’s gamble that an economic downturn following Brexit, combined with the loss of European Union guarantees for workers’ rights and European subsidies for Scotland’s farmers and infrastructure projects, will deliver that support soon enough.

If Ms. Sturgeon’s strategy works out, Brexit could hasten the breakup of Britain. The constitutional fallout extends to Northern Ireland. A Leave vote would turn the open border between Northern Ireland and the Republic into a guarded frontier with Europe, since Ireland would remain a member in the union. This would undermine a major provision of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the peace deal that ended three decades of the Troubles.

Her Britannic Majesty would then be left with a simmering Ulster, the potential for resurgent nationalism in Wales, and a dominant population of 54 million English people. There is a logic to that, for Brexit is overwhelmingly an English, not a British, idea.

English nationalism, though inchoate, is spreading. For older generations, it was cloaked in British patriotism. But now, having watched the Scots and the Welsh win their own parliaments, England — with no less than 84 percent of Britain’s population — feels aggrieved and unrepresented. And so the English have gone in search of their own identity politics, finding common cause with the general impatience with old political elites that is flaming up all over Europe.

For now, their angry sense of powerlessness is aimed at the European Union. But the truth is that it’s from bloated, privileged London, not Brussels, that the English need to take back control. The Brexit campaign orators, themselves members of that metropolitan elite, have carefully diverted English fury into empty foreigner-baiting. In France this month, English soccer hooligans’ chant was “We’re all voting Out!” as they beat up fans from other nations.

A rump Britain that quits the European Union would not be the same country back in its old familiar place. It would be a new, strange country in an unfamiliar place.

For foreigners, it would be less easygoing, more suspicious and more bureaucratic for work and travel. For its own citizens, it would become a less regulated, more unequal society. For the young, as European color drained away, it could come to seem a dim and stifling place that anyone with imagination would want to escape.

A Leave victory in the referendum is expected to topple Prime Minister David Cameron, and replace him with a radically right-wing Conservative team, which the impetuous former mayor of London, Boris Johnson, is eager to lead. The new government would immediately have to face the problems of disengaging from Europe, and possibly from Scotland. Negotiating new treaties with European trading partners would take many years. And Germany is warning that Britain will no longer have access to the European Union’s single market.

That would knock the bottom out of the Leave campaign’s central promise: that Britain could have its cake and eat it, too — retaining full access to 500 million European customers while clamping controls on immigration from the union. Cynics predict that Britain will spend five years trying to get out, and the next five trying to get back in.

Then come the constitutional nightmares. Most lawmakers in Britain’s Parliament are pro-Europe. Can they be forced to vote for legislation to leave the union? What happens if the government loses an election and a pro-European administration — say, a Labour-led coalition — takes power?

And who is supreme here, anyway? The British people, who will have expressed their will in a binding referendum? Or Parliament, which by convention is sovereign and cannot be overruled? In a kingdom with no written constitution, nobody knows the answer.

It is certain that Brexit would do gross damage to both Europe and America. For the United States, it would mean the failure of many years of diplomacy. Britain would become at once less useful as an ally and less predictable. Washington would turn increasingly from London to Berlin.

For Europe, Britain’s departure would be like a first brick pulled from a flimsy wall. The union is already fragile. Its mismanagement of the eurozone debt crisis after the 2008 crash was followed by its mismanagement of the refugee crisis. No wonder a recent Pew Research Center poll showed plummeting approval ratings for the union in key European countries.

British withdrawal isn’t likely to be followed instantly by that of other member states. But nationalist governments like those in Poland and Hungary, and others besides, will be encouraged to defy European rules from trade regulations to human rights, until the whole structure disintegrates. Disputes once soothed by multinational bargaining in Strasbourg or Brussels may grow toxic.

And Europe, though often vexed by London’s halfheartedness, will miss the sheer negotiating skill of British diplomacy: its genius for avoiding confrontations and inventing compromises. As more countries strike mutinous attitudes, those skills have never been more needed.

“For 70 years, my Foreign Service has been Britain’s rear guard,” a British ambassador told me. “We have prevented its orderly retreat from world greatness turning into a rout.” But Brexit now seems to propose a final retreat across the English Channel to the white cliffs of Dover.

Isolation brings out the worst in Britain. And it never works. In the 1930s, a complacent Britain refused to help Spain fight fascism, appeased Hitler and Mussolini, and for too long turned away refugees fleeing persecution. As Czechoslovakia cried out for help, Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain dismissed “a quarrel in a faraway country between people of whom we know nothing.” Will a British leader soon speak again about faraway Europe in the same tones?

When Britain did admit that it belonged to Europe, after all, it was at the 11th hour. In 1940, isolation ended in a fight for survival, and complacency gave way to five years of grim determination. During those war years, the Continent was devastated and its nation-states discredited.

Thanks to that harsh experience, the British after the war recognized their share of responsibility by supporting the vision of a united Europe. Must Britain learn that painful, costly lesson all over again?

 

 

Correction: June 17, 2016

An earlier version of this article misstated the site of Jo Cox’s killing. She was attacked on the street after a meeting with constituents, not near her office.

Neal Ascherson, a journalist, is the author of “Stone Voices: The Search for Scotland.”

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter (@NYTOpinion), and sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on June 19, 2016,
on page SR1 of the New York edition with the headline:
From Great Britain to Little England.

From Great Britain to Little England,
NYT, June 16, 2016,
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/19/
opinion/sunday/from-great-britain-to-little-england.html

 

 

 

 

 

Jo Cox obituary

Former Oxfam policy head

who became Labour MP

for Batley and Spen in 2015

 

Thursday 16 June 2016

20.41 BST

Last modified on Friday 17 June 2016

07.19 BST

The Guardian

Julia Langdon

 

The Labour MP Jo Cox, who has died aged 41 after being shot and stabbed in her constituency of Batley and Spen, in West Yorkshire, was a woman who in many ways represented the character and style of the modern Labour party. She was widely viewed as someone who could have been a serious player in the party in the years to come.

Cox combined academic achievement with political experience, but she threw into the mix an understanding of the Labour movement, a profound concern for the issues that affected the country and a personal heritage that qualified her for a career on the frontbench.

Elected to the House of Commons last year, she was inordinately proud of winning in her birthplace. She was born in Batley, one of two daughters of Gordon, a cosmetics factory worker, and his wife, Jean, who was a school secretary. Jo herself worked in the same factory as her father, packaging toothpaste during the holidays, having gained a place at Pembroke College, Cambridge, where she took a degree in social and political studies.

In an interview she suggested that her experience at Heckmondwike grammar school had not prepared her for life as an undergraduate at Cambridge. She readily acknowledged that she had not grown up in a political tradition and she had no understanding of how her birthplace and background would be viewed. “I didn’t really speak right or know the right people,” she said. The experience was quite startling for her, but it equipped her for her future: she would say later that joining the Commons was like “a walk in the park” in comparison.

On graduating in 1995 she took the course of many future MPs by becoming a political adviser. She worked for the former Labour MP Joan Walley, and then after spells as head of key campaigns with Britain in Europe and for Glenys Kinnock, then a member of the European parliament, she joined Oxfam in 2002. There she worked as head of the EU office until 2005, of policy and advocacy until 2007, and of humanitarian campaigning until 2009. In these posts she acquired a view of international politics that would inform the rest of her life and she always spoke powerfully about the experiences she had undergone and the scenes she had witnessed.

Then she became director of the Maternal Mortality Campaign (2009-11), and worked closely with Sarah Brown, the wife of the former Labour prime minister Gordon Brown, another campaigner on that issue. Subsequently she worked for Save The Children and the NSPCC, and was founder and chief executive of UK Women (2013-14).

In the Commons she had established a reputation as an outspoken critic of the lack of a strategic policy in Syria. She believed in the need for a credible policy that protected the civilian population and abstained in the vote on air strikes against Islamic State. She believed that there was a lack of what she called a “moral compass” in British policy. She described the British approach as “a masterclass in how not to do foreign policy” and argued strongly in favour of allowing more refugees into the UK.

Cox was a modern Labour party feminist. She was selected for her seat from an all-woman shortlist and from 2010 to 2014 chaired the Labour Women’s Network. She campaigned tirelessly for women’s rights around the world and was an adviser to the Freedom Fund on slavery (2014) and to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (2014-15). In the Commons she was recognised as a woman who could make a difference to other people’s lives and who wanted to change the world to make it a better place.

She nominated Jeremy Corbyn for the leadership last year – one of 36 Labour MPs to do so – but subsequently herself voted for Liz Kendall, who came fourth in the election. She was later criticised for an article in which she explained why she had nominated Corbyn, but not voted for him. It did not damage her reputation in parliament, where she was held to be one of the most popular and potentially successful members of last year’s intake and a beacon for the Labour party’s future.

In the way of people who have mountains to climb, she had pursued such a sport herself. When elected to Westminster, however, her primary sporting activity was cycling to work along the river Thames from the barge on which she lived with her husband, Brendan Cox, and their two children, Lejla and Cuillin.

• Helen Joanne “Jo” Cox, politician, born 22 June 1974;
died 16 June 2016

 Jo Cox obituary, G, 16 June 2016,
http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/16/
jo-cox-obituary

 

 

 

 

 

The Guardian view on Jo Cox:

an attack on humanity,

idealism and democracy

 

Thursday 16 June 2016

18.25 BST

Last modified on Thursday 16 June 2016

23.55 BST

The Guardian

Editorial

 

The slide from civilisation to barbarism is shorter than we might like to imagine. Every violent crime taints the ideal of an orderly society, but when that crime is committed against the people who are peacefully selected to write the rules, then the affront is that much more profound.

The killing, by stabbing and repeated shooting in the street, of Jo Cox is, in the first instance, an exceptionally heinous villainy. She was the mother of two very young children, who will now have to grow up without her. It is also, however, in a very real sense, an attack on democracy. Violence against MPs in Britain is mercifully rare. Only three have been killed in recent history: Airey Neave, Tony Berry and Ian Gow, all of them at the hands of the Irish republicans. Two others, Nigel Jones and Stephen Timms, have been grievously wounded, the latter by a woman citing jihadi inspiration and rage about the Iraq war. Whatever the cause, an attack on a parliamentarian is always an attack on parliament as well, which was as clear in Thursday’s case as any before.

Here was the MP whom the citizens of Batley and Spen had entrusted to represent them, fresh from conducting her duty to solve the practical problems of those same citizens in a constituency surgery. To single her out, at this time and in this place, is to turn a gun on every value of which decent Britons are justifiably proud.

Jo Cox, however, was not just any MP doing her duty. She was also an MP who was driven by an ideal. The former charity worker explained what that ideal was as eloquently as anyone could in her maiden speech last year. “Our communities have been deeply enhanced by immigration,” she insisted, “be it of Irish Catholics across the constituency or of Muslims from Gujarat in India or from Pakistan, principally from Kashmir. While we celebrate our diversity, what surprises me time and time again as I travel around the constituency is that we are far more united and have far more in common with each other than things that divide us.”

What nobler vision can there be than that of a society where people can be comfortable in their difference? And what more fundamental tenet of decency is there than to put first and to cherish all that makes us human, as opposed to what divides one group from another? These are ideals that are often maligned when they are described as multiculturalism, but they are precious nonetheless. They are the ideals which led Ms Cox to campaign tirelessly for the brutalised and displaced people of Syria, and – the most painful thought – ideals for which she may now have died.

The police are investigating reports that the assailant yelled “Britain First” during the attack. If those words were used, this would appear to be not merely a chauvinist taunt, but the name of a far-right political party, whose candidate for City Hall turned his back in disgust on Sadiq Khan at the count, in sectarian rage at a great cosmopolitan city’s decision to make a Muslim mayor. The thuggish outfit denounced Ms Cox’s death, as it was bound to do. But their brand of angry blame-mongering could very well serve to convince particular individuals – especially those who are already close to the edge – that some people are less than human, and thus fair game for attack. The rhetoric of western racism and Islamophobia is the mirror of the ideology with which Isis and al-Qaida secure their recruits and that persuades them to strap explosives to themselves, and die in order to kill. It might be especially powerful in Britain, at a time when divisive hate-mongering is seeping into the mainstream.

We are in the midst of what risks becoming a plebiscite on immigration and immigrants. The tone is divisive and nasty. Nigel Farage on Thursday unveiled a poster of unprecedented repugnance. The backdrop was a long and thronging line of displaced people in flight. The message: “The EU has failed us all.” The headline: “Breaking point.” The time for imagining that the Europhobes can be engaged on the basis of facts – such as the reality that a refugee crisis that started in Syria and north Africa can hardly be blamed on the EU, or the inconvenient detail that obligations under the refugee convention do not depend on EU membership – has passed. One might have still hoped, however, that even merchants of post-truth politics might hold back from the sort of entirely post-moral politics that is involved in taking the great humanitarian crisis of our time, and then whipping up hostility to the victims as a means of chivvying voters into turning their backs on the world.

The idealism of Ms Cox was the very antithesis of such brutal cynicism. Honour her memory. Because the values and the commitment that she embodied are all that we have to keep barbarism at bay.

The Guardian view on Jo Cox:
an attack on humanity, idealism and democracy,
G, 16 June 2016,
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jun/16/
the-guardian-view-on-jo-cox-an-attack-on-humanity-idealism-and-democracy

 

 

 

 

The mood is ugly, and an MP is dead

 

The Guardian

Polly Toynbee

Thursday 16 June 2016

20.47 BST

Last modified on Friday 17 June 2016

03.57 BST

 

In an era when many question the validity of their elected officials, Jo Cox stood out. She rose to represent the area in which she was born. And she arrived at the Commons with hinterland, a career campaigning for Oxfam, Save the Children and the NSPCC. On Thursday, shock among MPs was palpable.

This attack on a public official cannot be viewed in isolation. It occurs against a backdrop of an ugly public mood in which we have been told to despise the political class, to distrust those who serve, to dehumanise those with whom we do not readily identify.

There are many decent people involved in the campaign to secure Britain’s withdrawal from the EU, many who respect the referendum as the exercise in democracy that it is. But there are others whose recklessness has been open and shocking. I believe they bear responsibility, not for the attack itself, but for the current mood: for the inflammatory language, for the finger-jabbing, the dogwhistling and the overt racism.

It’s been part of a noxious brew, with a dangerous anti-politics and anti-MP stereotypes fomented by leave and their media backers mixed in. Only an hour before this shooting Nigel Farage unveiled a huge poster showing Syrian refugees fleeing to Slovenia last year, nothing to do with EU free movement – and none arriving here. Leave’s poster read: “Breaking Point. We must break free from the EU and take control of our borders.” Nicola Sturgeon, Caroline Lucas and many others condemned it as “disgusting”, and so it is.

At a ward meeting this week my local Labour councillor in Camden, north London, showed us a sign that had been left on a member’s car windscreen. The car had a remain poster on it and was parked round the corner from where I live. This is what the message said, printed in capitals (I’ve left the original spelling): “This is a lave [leave] area. We hate the foriner. Nex time do not park your car with remain sign on. Hi Hitler. White Power” – accompanied by racist symbols. The car’s owner had passed it on to the police.

Rude, crude, Nazi-style extremism is mercifully rare. But the leavers have lifted several stones. How recklessly the decades of careful work and anti-racist laws to make those sentiments unacceptable have been overturned.

This campaign has stirred up anti-migrant sentiment that used to be confined to the far fringes of British politics

This campaign has stirred up anti-migrant sentiment that used to be confined to outbursts from the far fringes of British politics. The justice minister, Michael Gove, and the leader of the house, Chris Grayling – together with former London mayor Boris Johnson – have allied themselves to divisive anti-foreigner sentiment ramped up to a level unprecedented in our lifetime. Ted Heath expelled Enoch Powell from the Tory front ranks for it. Oswald Mosley was ejected from his party for it. Gove and Grayling remain in the cabinet.

When politicians from a mainstream party use immigration as their main weapon in a hotly fought campaign, they unleash something dark and hateful that in all countries always lurks not far beneath the surface.

Did we delude ourselves we were a tolerant country – or can we still save our better selves? Over recent years, struggling to identify “Britishness”, to connect with a natural patriotic love of country that citizens have every right to feel, politicians floundering for a British identity reach for the reassuring idea that this cradle of democracy is blessed with some special civility.

But if the vote is out, then out goes that impression of what kind of country we are. Around the world we will be seen as the island that cut itself off as a result of anti-foreigner feeling: that will identify us globally more than any other attribute. Our image, our reality, will change overnight.

Contempt for politics is dangerous and contagious, yet it has become a widespread default sneer. There was Jo Cox, a dedicated MP, going about her business, doing what good MPs do, making herself available to any constituents with any problems to drop in to her surgery. Just why she became the victim of such a vicious attack, we may learn eventually. But in the aftermath of her death, there are truths of which we should remind ourselves right now.

Democracy is precious and precarious. It relies on a degree of respect for the opinions of others, soliciting support for political ideas without stirring up undue savagery and hatred against opponents. “Elites” are under attack in an anarchic way, when the “elite” justice minister can call on his supporters to ignore all experts.

Something close to a chilling culture war is breaking out in Britain, a divide deeper than I have ever known, as I listen to the anger aroused by this referendum campaign. The air is corrosive, it has been rendered so. One can register shock at what has happened, but not complete surprise.

The mood is ugly, and an MP is dead,
G, 16 June 2016,
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jun/16/
mood-ugly-mp-dead-jo-cox

 

 

 

 

 

Labour MP Jo Cox dies

after being shot and stabbed

Man, 52, arrested amid reports suspect shouted ‘Britain first’

Brendan Cox says his wife fought every day for a better world

Live blog: follow latest developments

 

Thursday 16 June 2016

18.04 BST

Last modified on Thursday 16 June 2016

22.52 BST

The Guardian

Robert Booth,

Vikram Dodd

and Nazia Parveen

 

The Labour MP Jo Cox has died after being shot and stabbed multiple times following a constituency meeting. Armed officers responded to the attack near a library in Birstall, West Yorkshire, on Thursday afternoon. A 52-year-old man was arrested in the area, police confirmed. The suspect was named locally as Tommy Mair.

Police added that Cox, 41, the MP for Batley and Spen, had suffered serious injuries and was pronounced dead at 1.48pm on Thursday by a doctor with paramedics at the scene.
The suspect was named locally as Tommy Mair.

Police confirmed that a man in his late 40s to early 50s nearby suffered slight injuries in the incident. They are also investigating reports that the suspect shouted “Britain first”, a possible reference to the far-right political party of that name, as he launched the attack. Police are understood to be talking to at least one witness who claimed to have heard the attacker shout the words, and the motivation for the incident will form part of their inquiry.

Cox’s husband, Brendan, said after her death was announced: “Today is the beginning of a new chapter in our lives. More difficult, more painful, less joyful, less full of love. I and Jo’s friends and family are going to work every moment of our lives to love and nurture our kids and to fight against the hate that killed Jo.

“Jo believed in a better world and she fought for it every day of her life with an energy and a zest for life that would exhaust most people. She would have wanted two things above all else to happen now – one, that our precious children are bathed in love and two, that we all unite to fight against the hatred that killed her. Hate doesn’t have a creed, race or religion, it is poisonous.

“Jo would have no regrets about her life, she lived every day of it to the full.”

The temporary chief constable of West Yorkshire police, Dee Collins, said there was a large, ongoing investigation, with heightened visibility patrols in the area. She added that weapons had been retrieved from the scene, including a firearm.

At the press conference announcing Cox’s death, Collins said: “Jo was attacked by a man who inflicted serious and sadly, ultimately fatal injuries. Subsequently there was a further attack on a 77-year-old man nearby who has sustained injuries that are non-life threatening.

“Shortly afterwards, a man was arrested nearby by uniform police officers. Weapons including a firearm have also been recovered.

“At 1.48pm, Jo Cox was pronounced deceased by a doctor working with a paramedic crew that was attending to her serious injuries.

“This is a very significant investigation with a large number of witnesses that are being spoken to by the police at this time. There is a large and significant crime scene and there is a large police presence in the area. A full investigation is under way to establish the motive for this murder.”

There was police activity following the attack at a semi-detached house on the Fieldhead estate in Birstall. Thomas Mair, 52, is the registered occupier of the address, according to the electoral roll. Police have not officially confirmed the suspect’s identity.

A cordon surrounded the house as a helicopter circled overheard and forensic officers in boiler suits appeared to be searching the neat front garden, as well as around garages at the back of the property.

 

‘Britain first’

Graeme Howard, 38, who lives in nearby Bond Street, told the Guardian he heard the man shout “Britain first” before the shooting and during the arrest.

“I heard the shot and I ran outside and saw some ladies from the cafe running out with towels,” he said. “There was loads of screaming and shouting and the police officers showed up.

“He was shouting ‘Britain first’ when he was doing it and being arrested. He was pinned down by two police officers and she was taken away in an ambulance.”

Jayda Fransen, deputy leader of Britain First, said the party was “looking into the reports right now”. “We were extremely shocked to see these reports and we are keen to confirm them, because of course at the moment it is hearsay,” she said. “This has just been brought to our attention. This is absolutely not the kind of behaviour we would condone.”

Other witnesses said the attack was launched after the MP became involved in an altercation involving two men near where she held her weekly surgery. A Labour source confirmed Cox was shot and stabbed after she had concluded the drop-in session for constituents at about 1pm.
Residents arrive to place flowers close to the scene in Birstall where Labour MP Jo Cox was shot.

The shopkeeper in a greengrocer opposite Birstall library, Golden D’Licious, told the Guardian that he believed the attacker had been waiting for the MP outside the library.

“I was inside the shop and all I heard was a scream and then the gunshot,” he said, without giving his name. “I went out and everyone was dispersing. I couldn’t see because it happened behind a car.”

Terry Flynn-Edwards, who runs the Divine hair studio opposite the scene of the attack, said a man from the dry cleaners had tried to stop the assault. She said: “She walked out of the library with her PA and he was waiting for her. He stabbed her first and this guy tried to stop him and then he shot her.”

But one witness, Hithem Ben Abdallah, 56, who was in the cafe next door to the library shortly after 1pm, said the MP was involved in an altercation between two arguing men.

He told the Press Association a man in a baseball cap “suddenly pulled a gun from his bag” and after a brief scuffle with another man the MP became involved.

He added: “He was fighting with her and wrestling with her and then the gun went off twice and then she fell between two cars and I came and saw her bleeding on the floor.”

Clarke Rothwell, another witness, told BBC News there was a direct altercation between Cox and a man carrying a gun, who “purposefully” targeted her.

“He shot this lady and then shot her again,” he said. “He leant down. Someone was wrestling with him and he was wielding a knife and lunging at her. Three times she was shot. People were trying to help her.

“Then he ran off down a one-way street. Me and my mate drove round to try and find him.”

A West Yorkshire police spokesman said: “At 12.53 today, police were called to a report of an incident on Market Street, Birstall, where a woman in her 40s had suffered serious injuries.”

The Priestley residential care home next door to the library on Market Street was thought to be in lockdown. The firm’s head office said all the residents were safe and accounted for following the shooting.

Neighbours on the Fieldhead council estate said the suspect had lived here 40 years with a female relative, who died a number of years ago, leaving him alone.

Kathleen Cooke, 62, said she and her daughter, Emma John, 30, had seen Mair half an hour before the attack.

“I looked out of the window at about 12.30pm and he walked past carrying his bag, wearing a cap. He looked perfectly calm and normal,” said John. “He was a quiet person, kept himself to himself. We knew him around here from when he used to do our gardens,” said Cooke.

One woman, who gave her name just as Karen, said Mair had tended her mother’s garden regularly until a few years ago. He did not seem to have a job, she said.

Local teenagers said he was a quiet man unless they congregated on the wall behind his house, which he did not like. “He’d shout at us,” said a 17-year-old. “All this we are hearing now is totally at odds with the man we thought we knew,” said one neighbour. “We knew him as someone who helped out, who did volunteering.”

Senior politicians expressed their shock at the killing and sent their condolences.

David Cameron said: “The death of Jo Cox is a tragedy. She was a committed and caring MP. My thoughts are with her husband Brendan and her two young children.”

The Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn, said the country would be “in shock at the horrific murder” of the MP, who was a “much-loved colleague”.

Cox was elected to parliament in 2015, having previously worked internationally as a head of policy and humanitarian campaigning for Oxfam.

She chaired the all-party parliamentary group for Friends of Syria, and was vocal in making the case for military action in the country last autumn, on humanitarian grounds. Her husband is a former Labour adviser who stepped down as a senior executive of the charity Save the Children last year.

Cox’s fellow Labour MP John Mann described her as “one of the real stars of the new intake”, and said her colleagues were “absolutely stunned” by the attack.

Labour MP Jo Cox dies after being shot and stabbed,
G, 16 June 2016,
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/jun/16/
labour-mp-jo-cox-shot-in-west-yorkshire

 

 

 

 

 

Sadiq Khan's London mayoral win

gives Corbyn reason to be cheerful

Election of first Muslim mayor

of major western capital

promises to offset big losses in Scotland

as SNP maintains grip on Holyrood

 

Friday 6 May 2016

23.32 BST

Last modified on Saturday 7 May 2016

07.38 BST

The Guardian

Anushka Asthana,

Heather Stewart

and Rowena Mason

 

Sadiq Khan’s election as London mayor in the early hours of Saturday handed a boost to Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn at the end of a difficult day in which Labour held ground in England but endured a disastrous defeat in its former heartland of Scotland.

Khan’s landslide victory over his rival, Conservative Zac Goldsmith, in which he secured more than 1.3m votes made him the first Muslim mayor of a major western capital, and gave Labour the keys to City Hall after eight years of Conservative control, following a bitterly fought and controversial campaign.

As the votes were being counted, senior Tories and even Goldsmith’s own sister criticised his team’s strategy, which included repeated claims from the candidate himself and David Cameron that Khan had shown bad judgment by sharing platforms with alleged extremists.

The former Conservative party chairman Sayeeda Warsi attacked the Goldsmith campaign on Twitter, claiming: “Our appalling dog whistle campaign for #LondonMayor2016 lost us the election, our reputation & credibility on issues of race and religion.”

Steve Hilton, Cameron’s former director of strategy who was part of an effort to “detoxify” the Tories, told BBC Newsnight that Goldsmith had brought back the “nasty party label to the Conservative party”.

Speaking after finally being declared winner after midnight, Khan said that he grew up on a council estate and “never dreamt that someone like me could be elected as mayor of London”.

He highlighted his positive campaign before making a pointed attack on Goldsmith. “I am so glad that London has chosen hope over fear and unity over division. The politics of fear is simply not welcome in our city.”

Goldsmith thanked his team and admitted he was disappointed but failed to address the accusations.

The row could be uncomfortable for the prime minister, who used the line of attack more than once in the House of Commons.

Jemima Goldsmith questioned the tactics, saying they did not reflect the “eco-friendly, independent-minded politician with integrity” she knew her brother to be.

But underlining the hostility the new mayor could face once he takes up office, the candidate for Britain First, Paul Golding, turned his back in protest as Khan made his acceptance speech at City Hall. “Britain has an extremist mayor!” shouted a member of Golding’s team.

Corbyn congratulated Khan at the end of a day of results across the UK that were not bad enough to trigger a coup against the Labour leader. He said he had defied the critics to hang on across England, where the party retained councils such as Crawley and Plymouth and had suffered a lower net loss than expected, of two dozen councillors.

“All across England last night we were getting predictions that Labour was going to lose councils. We didn’t, we hung on and we grew support in a lot of places,” Corbyn said in a defiant speech to activists in Sheffield.

In Scotland, however, Labour was pushed into third place by the Conservatives in a crushing defeat for a party that once dominated the political landscape north of the border. Corbyn said: “We are going to walk hand-in-hand with our party in Scotland to build that support once again.”

The leader’s positive take on the election results contrasted with a more cautious response from a series of shadow cabinet members who said that Labour had a long way to go before it was on track for a 2020 majority.

The shadow leader of the House, Chris Bryant, said Labour was not “match ready”, while the shadow Scottish secretary, Ian Murray, claimed that people did not see Corbyn’s Labour as a “credible party of future government”.

Other seized on the predictions of psephologists who said it was extremely unusual for a party in opposition to lose council seats at this stage of the electoral cycle.

Jo Cox and Neil Coyle, two new MPs who nominated Corbyn, wrote in the Guardian that they regretted their decision, warning that “weak leadership” risked keeping their party out of power until 2030.

Cameron hailed the Scottish result, saying he would not have believed it possible two years ago. He accused Labour of losing touch with working people by being “obsessed with their leftwing causes and unworkable economic policies”.

Dubbed “Super Thursday”, the day of elections across the UK saw:

• Labour achieving 31% of the vote share, just ahead of the Conservatives on 30%, according to a BBC forecast, based on how people had voted in England.

• The SNP losing its overall majority in the Scottish parliament but easily remaining the largest party with 63 seats, ahead of the Conservatives with 31 seats and Labour with 24.

• Labour remaining the dominant party in Wales, winning 29 out of 60 seats, but losing its minister Leighton Andrews to the Plaid Cymru leader, Leanne Wood. Ukip also won seven seats in Wales.

The polling analyst John Curtice suggested the results would translate into 301 Tory MPs in a general election, short of a majority, with Labour on 253.

The Liberal Democrats made progress, taking control of Watford council and gaining seats elsewhere in the country.

But the main focus of the day was on Labour’s performance, after a week in which Corbyn had been plunged into controversy over antisemitism claims that resulted in a series of suspensions, including Ken Livingstone.

The Labour leader’s allies hailed the outcome, with the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, and the shadow communities secretary, Jon Trickett, calling on critics of the leadership to “put up or shut up”.

Sadiq Khan's London mayoral win
gives Corbyn reason to be cheerful,
G, 6 May 2016,
http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/may/06/
sadiq-khan-london-mayor-corbyn-labour-scotland-snp

 

 

 

 

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