Anglonautes > Vocapedia > 2000s - 2010s > 2020s > UK, USA, SA > English words - vocabulary - dictionary - encyclopedia > Subject, topic > Terrorism > Attacks, Surveillance

No decision I have ever made in politics has been as divisive as the decision to go to war to in Iraq. It remains deeply divisive today. I know a large part of the public want to move on. Rightly they say the Government should concentrate on the issues that elected us in 1997: the economy, jobs, living standards, health, education, crime. I share that view, and we are. But I know too that the nature of this issue over Iraq, stirring such bitter emotions as it does, can't just be swept away as ill-fitting the pre-occupations of the man and woman on the street. This is not simply because of the gravity of war; or the continued engagement of British troops and civilians in Iraq; or even because of reflections made on the integrity of the Prime Minister. It is because it was in March 2003 and remains my fervent view that the nature of the global threat we face in Britain and round the world is real and existential and it is the task of leadership to expose it and fight it, whatever the political cost; and that the true danger is not to any single politician's reputation, but to our country if we now ignore this threat or erase it from the agenda in embarrassment at the difficulties it causes.

In truth, the fundamental source of division over Iraq is not over issues of trust or integrity, though some insist on trying to translate it into that. Each week brings a fresh attempt to get a new angle that can prove it was all a gigantic conspiracy. We have had three inquiries, including the one by Lord Hutton conducted over six months, with more openness by Government than any such inquiry in history, that have affirmed there was no attempt to falsify intelligence in the dossier of September 2002, but rather that it was indeed an accurate summary of that intelligence.

We have seen one element - intelligence about some WMD being ready for use in 45 minutes - elevated into virtually the one fact that persuaded the nation into war. This intelligence was mentioned by me once in my statement to the House of Commons on 24 September and not mentioned by me again in any debate. It was mentioned by no-one in the crucial debate on 18 March 2003. In the period from 24 September to 29 May, the date of the BBC broadcast on it, it was raised twice in almost 40,000 written Parliamentary Questions in the House of Commons; and not once in almost 5,000 oral questions. Neither was it remotely the basis for the claim that Saddam had strategic as well as battlefield WMD. That was dealt with in a different part of the dossier; and though the Iraq Survey Group have indeed not found stockpiles of weapons, they have uncovered much evidence about Saddam's programme to develop long-range strategic missiles in breach of UN rules.

It is said we claimed Iraq was an imminent threat to Britain and was preparing to attack us. In fact this is what I said prior to the war on 24 September 2002:

"Why now? People ask. I agree I cannot say that this month or next, even this year or next he will use his weapons."

Then, for example, in January 2003 in my press conference I said:

"And I tell you honestly what my fear is, my fear is that we wake up one day and we find either that one of these dictatorial states has used weapons of mass destruction - and Iraq has done so in the past - and we get sucked into a conflict, with all the devastation that would cause; or alternatively these weapons, which are being traded right round the world at the moment, fall into the hands of these terrorist groups, these fanatics who will stop at absolutely nothing to cause death and destruction on a mass scale. Now that is what I have to worry about. And I understand of course why people think it is a very remote threat and it is far away and why does it bother us. Now I simply say to you, it is a matter of time unless we act and take a stand before terrorism and weapons of mass destruction come together, and I regard them as two sides of the same coin."

The truth is, as was abundantly plain in the motion before the House of Commons on 18 March, we went to war to enforce compliance with UN Resolutions. Had we believed Iraq was an imminent direct threat to Britain, we would have taken action in September 2002; we would not have gone to the UN. Instead, we spent October and November in the UN negotiating UN Resolution 1441. We then spent almost 4 months trying to implement it.

Actually, it is now apparent from the Survey Group that Iraq was indeed in breach of UN Resolution 1441. It did not disclose laboratories and facilities it should have; nor the teams of scientists kept together to retain their WMD including nuclear expertise; nor its continuing research relevant to CW and BW. As Dr Kay, the former head of the ISG who is now quoted as a critic of the war has said: "Iraq was in clear violation of the terms of Resolution 1441". And "I actually think this [Iraq] may be one of those cases where it was even more dangerous than we thought."

Then, most recently is the attempt to cast doubt on the Attorney General's legal opinion. He said the war was lawful. He published a statement on the legal advice. It is said this opinion is disputed. Of course it is. It was disputed in March 2003. It is today. The lawyers continue to divide over it - with their legal opinions bearing a remarkable similarity to their political view of the war.

But let's be clear. Once this row dies down, another will take its place and then another and then another.

All of it in the end is an elaborate smokescreen to prevent us seeing the real issue: which is not a matter of trust but of judgement.

The real point is that those who disagree with the war, disagree fundamentally with the judgement that led to war. What is more, their alternative judgement is both entirely rational and arguable. Kosovo, with ethnic cleansing of ethnic Albanians, was not a hard decision for most people; nor was Afghanistan after the shock of September 11; nor was Sierra Leone.

Iraq in March 2003 was an immensely difficult judgement. It was divisive because it was difficult. I have never disrespected those who disagreed with the decision. Sure, some were anti-American; some against all wars. But there was a core of sensible people who faced with this decision would have gone the other way, for sensible reasons. Their argument is one I understand totally. It is that Iraq posed no direct, immediate threat to Britain; and that Iraq's WMD, even on our own case, was not serious enough to warrant war, certainly without a specific UN resolution mandating military action. And they argue: Saddam could, in any event, be contained.

In other words, they disagreed then and disagree now fundamentally with the characterisation of the threat. We were saying this is urgent; we have to act; the opponents of war thought it wasn't. And I accept, incidentally, that however abhorrent and foul the regime and however relevant that was for the reasons I set out before the war, for example in Glasgow in February 2003, regime change alone could not be and was not our justification for war. Our primary purpose was to enforce UN resolutions over Iraq and WMD.

Of course the opponents are boosted by the fact that though we know Saddam had WMD; we haven't found the physical evidence of them in the 11 months since the war. But in fact, everyone thought he had them. That was the basis of UN Resolution 1441.

It's just worth pointing out that the search is being conducted in a country twice the land mass of the UK, which David Kay's interim report in October 2003 noted, contains 130 ammunition storage areas, some covering an area of 50 square miles, including some 600,000 tons of artillery shells, rockets and other ordnance, of which only a small proportion have as yet been searched in the difficult security environment that exists.

But the key point is that it is the threat that is the issue.

The characterisation of the threat is where the difference lies. Here is where I feel so passionately that we are in mortal danger of mistaking the nature of the new world in which we live. Everything about our world is changing: its economy, its technology, its culture, its way of living. If the 20th century scripted our conventional way of thinking, the 21st century is unconventional in almost every respect.

This is true also of our security.

The threat we face is not conventional. It is a challenge of a different nature from anything the world has faced before. It is to the world's security, what globalisation is to the world's economy.

It was defined not by Iraq but by September 11th. September 11th did not create the threat Saddam posed. But it altered crucially the balance of risk as to whether to deal with it or simply carry on, however imperfectly, trying to contain it.

Let me attempt an explanation of how my own thinking, as a political leader, has evolved during these past few years. Already, before September 11th the world's view of the justification of military action had been changing. The only clear case in international relations for armed intervention had been self-defence, response to aggression. But the notion of intervening on humanitarian grounds had been gaining currency. I set this out, following the Kosovo war, in a speech in Chicago in 1999, where I called for a doctrine of international community, where in certain clear circumstances, we do intervene, even though we are not directly threatened. I said this was not just to correct injustice, but also because in an increasingly inter-dependent world, our self-interest was allied to the interests of others; and seldom did conflict in one region of the world not contaminate another. We acted in Sierra Leone for similar reasons, though frankly even if that country had become run by gangsters and murderers and its democracy crushed, it would have been a long time before it impacted on us. But we were able to act to help them and we did.

So, for me, before September 11th, I was already reaching for a different philosophy in international relations from a traditional one that has held sway since the treaty of Westphalia in 1648; namely that a country's internal affairs are for it and you don't interfere unless it threatens you, or breaches a treaty, or triggers an obligation of alliance. I did not consider Iraq fitted into this philosophy, though I could see the horrible injustice done to its people by Saddam.

However, I had started to become concerned about two other phenomena.

The first was the increasing amount of information about Islamic extremism and terrorism that was crossing my desk. Chechnya was blighted by it. So was Kashmir. Afghanistan was its training ground. Some 300 people had been killed in the attacks on the USS Cole and US embassies in East Africa. The extremism seemed remarkably well financed. It was very active. And it was driven not by a set of negotiable political demands, but by religious fanaticism.

The second was the attempts by states - some of them highly unstable and repressive - to develop nuclear weapons programmes, CW and BW materiel, and long-range missiles. What is more, it was obvious that there was a considerable network of individuals and companies with expertise in this area, prepared to sell it.

All this was before September 11th. I discussed the issue of WMD with President Bush at our first meeting in Camp David in February 2001. But it's in the nature of things that other issues intervene - I was about to fight for re-election - and though it was raised, it was a troubling spectre in the background, not something to arrest our whole attention.

President Bush told me that on September 9th 2001, he had a meeting about Iraq in the White House when he discussed "smart" sanctions, changes to the sanctions regime. There was no talk of military action.

September 11th was for me a revelation. What had seemed inchoate came together. The point about September 11th was not its detailed planning; not its devilish execution; not even, simply, that it happened in America, on the streets of New York. All of this made it an astonishing, terrible and wicked tragedy, a barbaric murder of innocent people. But what galvanised me was that it was a declaration of war by religious fanatics who were prepared to wage that war without limit. They killed 3000. But if they could have killed 30,000 or 300,000 they would have rejoiced in it. The purpose was to cause such hatred between Moslems and the West that a religious jihad became reality; and the world engulfed by it.

When I spoke to the House of Commons on 14 September 2001 I said:

"We know, that they [the terrorists] would, if they could, go further and use chemical, biological, or even nuclear weapons of mass destruction. We know, also, that there are groups of people, occasionally states, who will trade the technology and capability of such weapons. It is time that this trade was exposed, disrupted, and stamped out. We have been warned by the events of 11 September, and we should act on the warning."

From September 11th on, I could see the threat plainly. Here were terrorists prepared to bring about Armageddon. Here were states whose leadership cared for no-one but themselves; were often cruel and tyrannical towards their own people; and who saw WMD as a means of defending themselves against any attempt external or internal to remove them and who, in their chaotic and corrupt state, were in any event porous and irresponsible with neither the will nor capability to prevent terrorists who also hated the West, from exploiting their chaos and corruption.

I became aware of the activities of A Q Khan, former Pakistani nuclear scientist and of an organisation developing nuclear weapons technology to sell secretly to states wanting to acquire it. I started to hear of plants to manufacture nuclear weapons equipment in Malaysia, in the Near East and Africa, companies in the Gulf and Europe to finance it; training and know-how provided - all without any or much international action to stop it. It was a murky, dangerous trade, done with much sophistication and it was rapidly shortening the timeframe of countries like North Korea and Iran in acquiring serviceable nuclear weapons capability.

I asked for more intelligence on the issue not just of terrorism but also of WMD. The scale of it became clear. It didn't matter that the Islamic extremists often hated some of these regimes. Their mutual enmity toward the West would in the end triumph over any scruples of that nature, as we see graphically in Iraq today.

We knew that Al Qaida sought the capability to use WMD in their attacks. Bin Laden has called it a "duty" to obtain nuclear weapons. His networks have experimented with chemicals and toxins for use in attacks. He received advice from at least two Pakistani scientists on the design of nuclear weapons. In Afghanistan Al Qaida trained its recruits in the use of poisons and chemicals. An Al Qaida terrorist ran a training camp developing these techniques. Terrorist training manuals giving step-by-step instructions for the manufacture of deadly substances such as botulinum and ricin were widely distributed in Afghanistan and elsewhere and via the internet. Terrorists in Russia have actually deployed radiological material. The sarin attack on the Tokyo Metro showed how serious an impact even a relatively small attack can have.

The global threat to our security was clear. So was our duty: to act to eliminate it.

First we dealt with Al Qaida in Afghanistan, removing the Taliban that succoured them.

But then we had to confront the states with WMD. We had to take a stand. We had to force conformity with international obligations that for years had been breached with the world turning a blind eye. For 12 years Saddam had defied calls to disarm. In 1998, he had effectively driven out the UN inspectors and we had bombed his military infrastructure; but we had only weakened him, not removed the threat. Saddam alone had used CW against Iran and against his own people.

We had had an international coalition blessed by the UN in Afghanistan. I wanted the same now. President Bush agreed to go the UN route. We secured UN Resolution 1441. Saddam had one final chance to comply fully. Compliance had to start with a full and honest declaration of WMD programmes and activities.

The truth is disarming a country, other than with its consent, is a perilous exercise. On 8 December 2002, Saddam sent his declaration. It was obviously false. The UN inspectors were in Iraq but progress was slow and the vital cooperation of Iraqi scientists withheld. In March we went back to the UN to make a final ultimatum. We strove hard for agreement. We very nearly achieved it.

So we came to the point of decision. Prime Ministers don't have the luxury of maintaining both sides of the argument. They can see both sides. But, ultimately, leadership is about deciding. My view was and is that if the UN had come together and delivered a tough ultimatum to Saddam, listing clearly what he had to do, benchmarking it, he may have folded and events set in train that might just and eventually have led to his departure from power.

But the Security Council didn't agree.

Suppose at that point we had backed away. Inspectors would have stayed but only the utterly naïve would believe that following such a public climbdown by the US and its partners, Saddam would have cooperated more. He would have strung the inspectors out and returned emboldened to his plans. The will to act on the issue of rogue states and WMD would have been shown to be hollow. The terrorists, watching and analysing every move in our psychology as they do, would have taken heart. All this without counting the fact that the appalling brutalisation of the Iraqi people would have continued unabated and reinforced.

Here is the crux. It is possible that even with all of this, nothing would have happened. Possible that Saddam would change his ambitions; possible he would develop the WMD but never use it; possible that the terrorists would never get their hands on WMD, whether from Iraq or elsewhere. We cannot be certain. Perhaps we would have found different ways of reducing it. Perhaps this Islamic terrorism would ebb of its own accord.

But do we want to take the risk? That is the judgement. And my judgement then and now is that the risk of this new global terrorism and its interaction with states or organisations or individuals proliferating WMD, is one I simply am not prepared to run.

This is not a time to err on the side of caution; not a time to weigh the risks to an infinite balance; not a time for the cynicism of the worldly wise who favour playing it long. Their worldly wise cynicism is actually at best naivete and at worst dereliction. When they talk, as they do now, of diplomacy coming back into fashion in respect of Iran or North Korea or Libya, do they seriously think that diplomacy alone has brought about this change? Since the war in Iraq, Libya has taken the courageous step of owning up not just to a nuclear weapons programme but to having chemical weapons, which are now being destroyed. Iran is back in the reach of the IAEA. North Korea in talks with China over its WMD. The A Q Khan network is being shut down, its trade slowly but surely being eliminated.

Yet it is monstrously premature to think the threat has passed. The risk remains in the balance here and abroad.

These days decisions about it come thick and fast, and while they are not always of the same magnitude they are hardly trivial. Let me give you an example. A short while ago, during the war, we received specific intelligence warning of a major attack on Heathrow. To this day, we don't know if it was correct and we foiled it or if it was wrong. But we received the intelligence. We immediately heightened the police presence. At the time it was much criticised as political hype or an attempt to frighten the public. Actually at each stage we followed rigidly the advice of the police and Security Service. But sit in my seat. Here is the intelligence. Here is the advice. Do you ignore it? But, of course intelligence is precisely that: intelligence. It is not hard fact. It has its limitations. On each occasion the most careful judgement has to be made taking account of everything we know and the best assessment and advice available. But in making that judgement, would you prefer us to act, even if it turns out to be wrong? Or not to act and hope it's OK? And suppose we don't act and the intelligence turns out to be right, how forgiving will people be?

And to those who think that these things are all disconnected, random acts, disparate threats with no common thread to bind them, look at what is happening in Iraq today. The terrorists pouring into Iraq, know full well the importance of destroying not just the nascent progress of Iraq toward stability, prosperity and democracy, but of destroying our confidence, of defeating our will to persevere.

I have no doubt Iraq is better without Saddam; but no doubt either, that as a result of his removal, the dangers of the threat we face will be diminished. That is not to say the terrorists won't redouble their efforts. They will. This war is not ended. It may only be at the end of its first phase. They are in Iraq, murdering innocent Iraqis who want to worship or join a police force that upholds the law not a brutal dictatorship; they carry on killing in Afghanistan. They do it for a reason. The terrorists know that if Iraq and Afghanistan survive their assault, come through their travails, seize the opportunity the future offers, then those countries will stand not just as nations liberated from oppression, but as a lesson to humankind everywhere and a profound antidote to the poison of religious extremism. That is precisely why the terrorists are trying to foment hatred and division in Iraq. They know full well, a stable democratic Iraq, under the sovereign rule of the Iraqi people, is a mortal blow to their fanaticism.

That is why our duty is to rebuild Iraq and Afghanistan as stable and democratic nations.

Here is the irony. For all the fighting, this threat cannot be defeated by security means alone. Taking strong action is a necessary but insufficient condition for defeating. Its final defeat is only assured by the triumph of the values of the human spirit.

Which brings me to the final point. It may well be that under international law as presently constituted, a regime can systematically brutalise and oppress its people and there is nothing anyone can do, when dialogue, diplomacy and even sanctions fail, unless it comes within the definition of a humanitarian catastrophe (though the 300,000 remains in mass graves already found in Iraq might be thought by some to be something of a catastrophe). This may be the law, but should it be?

We know now, if we didn't before, that our own self interest is ultimately bound up with the fate of other nations. The doctrine of international community is no longer a vision of idealism. It is a practical recognition that just as within a country, citizens who are free, well educated and prosperous tend to be responsible, to feel solidarity with a society in which they have a stake; so do nations that are free, democratic and benefiting from economic progress, tend to be stable and solid partners in the advance of humankind. The best defence of our security lies in the spread of our values.

But we cannot advance these values except within a framework that recognises their universality. If it is a global threat, it needs a global response, based on global rules.

The essence of a community is common rights and responsibilities. We have obligations in relation to each other. If we are threatened, we have a right to act. And we do not accept in a community that others have a right to oppress and brutalise their people. We value the freedom and dignity of the human race and each individual in it.

Containment will not work in the face of the global threat that confronts us. The terrorists have no intention of being contained. The states that proliferate or acquire WMD illegally are doing so precisely to avoid containment. Emphatically I am not saying that every situation leads to military action. But we surely have a duty and a right to prevent the threat materialising; and we surely have a responsibility to act when a nation's people are subjected to a regime such as Saddam's. Otherwise, we are powerless to fight the aggression and injustice which over time puts at risk our security and way of life.

Which brings us to how you make the rules and how you decide what is right or wrong in enforcing them. The UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights is a fine document. But it is strange the United Nations is so reluctant to enforce them.

I understand the worry the international community has over Iraq. It worries that the US and its allies will by sheer force of their military might, do whatever they want, unilaterally and without recourse to any rule-based code or doctrine. But our worry is that if the UN - because of a political disagreement in its Councils - is paralysed, then a threat we believe is real will go unchallenged.

This dilemma is at the heart of many people's anguished indecision over the wisdom of our action in Iraq. It explains the confusion of normal politics that has part of the right liberating a people from oppression and a part of the left disdaining the action that led to it. It is partly why the conspiracy theories or claims of deceit have such purchase. How much simpler to debate those than to analyse and resolve the conundrum of our world's present state.

Britain's role is try to find a way through this: to construct a consensus behind a broad agenda of justice and security and means of enforcing it.

This agenda must be robust in tackling the security threat that this Islamic extremism poses; and fair to all peoples by promoting their human rights, wherever they are. It means tackling poverty in Africa and justice in Palestine as well as being utterly resolute in opposition to terrorism as a way of achieving political goals. It means an entirely different, more just and more modern view of self-interest.

It means reforming the United Nations so its Security Council represents 21st century reality; and giving the UN the capability to act effectively as well as debate. It means getting the UN to understand that faced with the threats we have, we should do all we can to spread the values of freedom, democracy, the rule of law, religious tolerance and justice for the oppressed, however painful for some nations that may be; but that at the same time, we wage war relentlessly on those who would exploit racial and religious division to bring catastrophe to the world.

But in the meantime, the threat is there and demands our attention.

That is the struggle which engages us. It is a new type of war. It will rest on intelligence to a greater degree than ever before. It demands a difference attitude to our own interests. It forces us to act even when so many comforts seem unaffected, and the threat so far off, if not illusory. In the end, believe your political leaders or not, as you will. But do so, at least having understood their minds.

Prime Minister [ Tony Blair ] warns of continuing global terror threat,
10 Downing Street,
5 March 2004,
http://www.number10.gov.uk/
output/Page5461.asp - broken link

On This Day: February 19, 1969

From The Times archive

[ Erreur de date du Times :

l'attentat d'Aldwych

a été perpétré le 18 février 1996

- l'article date donc de 1996 > http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/
dates/stories/february/18/
newsid_4165000/4165719.stm ]

In spite of pessimistic first reports, Edward O’Brien was the only person to die in the Aldwych bus bombing — blown up and killed by his own device
when it accidentally detonated

THREE people were feared dead and eight were injured last night when a bomb ripped without warning through a double-decker bus in central London.

The front half of the old- fashioned Routemaster bus was destroyed by the blast on the Aldwych near the Strand. Bodies were seen lying on the road and there was chaos as people ran from restaurants and public houses in Covent Garden near by.

Police, ten ambulances and four paramedic units went to the scene and took the dead and injured from the 171 bus to two hospitals. As helicopters hovered overhead, police on the ground used loudspeakers to warn people to move away or remain in hotels and restaurants. A large area was cordoned off and police warned drivers to expect traffic chaos this morning.

The bombing was the third attack on the capital in the nine days since the IRA announced the end of its 17-month ceasefire. Two people were killed and many injured in an attack at South Quay on the Isle of Dogs on February 9 and last Thursday an 11lb Semtex bomb was found in a phone box in Charing Cross Road and defused.

No claim of responsibility was made, but one theory was that the bomb exploded as a terrorist was travelling to plant it at another destination in London.

The bombing came on the eve of a Commons debate on emergency powers in Northern Ireland, which had been expected to be renewed for two years instead of five. It also came hours after Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, offered John Major “the hand of friendship” although his remarks were coupled with a warning that the Government would face a “united republican struggle” for talks.

The Prime Minister, whose hopes for a summit with the Irish Prime Minister next week had faded in the aftermath of the earlier London attacks, was being kept informed of events but Downing Street made no immediate comment.

The explosion on the New Cross to King’s Cross bus at 10.38pm could be heard five miles away and witnesses described devastation at the scene. Anthony Yates said: “I was walking down the road and I saw a big white flash in the sky. I looked and then I saw a double-decker bus but there was nothing left of it, it was completely blown to pieces. There were three people at least dead.”

On this day, February 19, 2005, The Times,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp

On This Day - June 11, 1986

From The Times archive

Patrick Magee was freed in 1999
as part of the Good Friday agreement’s
early release scheme.

He had served 14 years
for bombing the Grand Hotel, Brighton,
during the Conservative Party annual conference
in 1984

PATRICK MAGEE was yesterday found guilty of planting the Provisional IRA bomb at the Grand Hotel, Brighton, in 1984 and killing five people attending the Conservative Party annual conference.

At the Central Criminal Court Magee, aged 35, from Belfast, was convicted of planting the bomb in September 1984, causing the explosion the next month, and murdering five people. He was found guilty on seven counts after a jury of six men and six women had deliberated for five and a quarter hours at the end of a 24-day trial.

After hearing the verdicts, Magee looked up to the public gallery and winked. Bearded and wearing a brown leather jacket, Magee half-turned his back to the judge and called “good luck” up to the gallery before being taken down.

Magee will be sentenced once the jury has finished deciding other verdicts.

Magee was found guilty of placing a timed explosive device in room 629 of the Grand Hotel between September 14 and 19, 1984. He was found guilty of causing the explosion on October 12, 1984, when the bomb went off at 2.54am on the night before the last day of the conference.

At the time of the explosion, the Prime Minister and senior members of the Government were staying in the hotel. As well as the five people killed, 34 others were injured.

At the beginning of the trial in May the court was told by Mr Roy Amlot, prosecuting, that the bomb at the Grand Hotel came “within an inch of being the Provisional IRA’s most devastating explosion”.

Magee placed a timed device in the bathroom of room 629 in the month before the party conference. He used a false name and address to book into the hotel over a weekend, paid cash and may have been joined by another person.

After the bomb exploded the registration card for room 629 was examined by a Scotland Yard fingerprint expert who found a palm print and fingertip print, which he told the court matched fingerprints belonging to Magee.

From The Times Archive > On This Day - June 11, 1986,
The Times, 11.6.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp

November 28, 1975

Enemy of IRA bombers

killed outside home

From the Guardian archive

Friday November 28, 1975

Guardian

Peter Chippindale

and Martin Walker

Mr Ross McWhirter, the television broadcaster and co-editor of the Guinness Book of Records, was shot dead at his London home last night, three weeks after he had launched a £50,000 Beat-the-Bombers campaign.

He was hit in the head and stomach when he answered the door at his home in Enfield, north London.

He was taken to Chase Farm hospital, nearby, where he later died. There was strong speculation that the shooting was the work of the IRA, and yet another escalation of their present terrorist campaign.

Mr McWhirter lived in a house standing in its own grounds. When [he] opened his front door, it was to greet his wife, who had just arrived by car. The gunmen had apparently been hiding in bushes in the garden. Last night his wife was staying locally with friends. Their two sons, Ian and Jamie, were at school at Marlborough.

Mr McWhirter was best known for co-editing the Guinness Book of Records with his identical twin, Norris. The publication has grown to become one of the most successful books ever published. However, he had recently gained publicity with his plans to combat terrorism. His organisation Self-Help offered a reward of between £20,000 and £50,000 for information leading to the conviction of terrorist bombers in Britain.

In October, Mr John Nundy, licensee of the Bay Horse Hotel, Winteringham, near Scunthorpe, won a High Court injunction with financial help from Mr McWhirter, to free his vehicle from the Eagle car ferry, which was held up by a labour dispute at Southampton.

Mr Nundy said last night: "I am deeply sorry. He was very much a people's man. He was in favour of justice and fairness for ordinary people."

MPs immediately condemned what Tory MP Mr John Stokes said was the first killing in England which had followed the examples of scores of murders in Northern Ireland.

Mr Eldon Griffiths, Conservative MP for Bury St Edmunds, said: "There is no way of dealing with this kind of obscenity without a return to the capital sentence."

Three weeks ago, launching his Beat-the-Bombers campaign, Mr McWhirter said a man had to live by his beliefs, and he was prepared to back them with action. "We are gradually wallowing into a situation of terror and violence, and not enough is being done to stop it." This was one of eight killings for which the so-called Balcombe Street gang of IRA terrorists received jail terms in 1977.

From the Guardian archive > November 28, 1975 >
Enemy of IRA bombers killed outside home,
G,
Republished 28.11.2006,

https://www.theguardian.com/news/1975/nov/28/
mainsection.martinwalker

November 22, 1974

Pub blasts kill 17 in Birmingham

From the Guardian archive

Friday November 22, 1974

Guardian

At least 17 people were killed and more than 120 were injured last night after bombs exploded almost simultaneously in two crowded public houses in the heart of Birmingham.

No warnings seemed to have been given for any of the explosions, which brought the highest death toll in England for an IRA bomb attack.

Emergency services were called in from all districts surrounding the city as customers in the public houses, most of them young people, lay dead and dying.

Those who survived the initial blasts - at the Tavern in the Town cellar bar and the Mulberry Bush - faced the horror of walls and ceilings falling on to the places where they lay trapped. Firemen tore at the rubble of the buildings with their hands.

The bombs came at 8.30pm as hundreds of police who might normally have been on duty in the city centre were waiting at Birmingham Airport nine miles away for the [plane] carrying the body of James McDade, the IRA bomber killed by his own bomb in Coventry, to take off for Belfast.

Patrol cars sped to seal off motorways and main roads out of the Midlands and railways police boarded trains arriving at Euston. In the Commons MPs spoke of "extreme feelings of revulsion being experienced in the city".

From Gareth Parry in Birmingham.
For those who survived the initial blasts, there was danger of being crushed to death by debris falling on to the places where they were trapped.

The streets outside the two public houses in New Street and in the Rotunda were littered with dead bodies and dismembered limbs which lay for nearly half an hour after the first explosion. Police and ambulance men were concentrating efforts in rescuing the trapped.

A woman aged about 20 said: "I had come into the Tavern a few minutes before it happened. I went over to the bar with my girlfriend, and was just about to buy a drink when there was a bang and everything started falling upon us.

"I flicked on my lighter and saw my friend next to me had lost her foot. I thought I was also dead and that my spirit was just carrying on, for everywhere I looked there was murder."

Rescue workers in the Tavern called for steel props to hold up the roof of the basement pub. A senior brigade officer said: "We cannot go near the injured for fear of bringing the building on top of them."

Film of the bombings shown on the BBC showed two or three men running from the scene of one of the explosions and down steps to a waiting car.

From the Guardian archive > November 22, 1974 >
Pub blasts kill 17 in Birmingham,
G,
Republished 22.11.2006,
https://www.theguardian.com/news/1974/nov/22/
mainsection.fromthearchive

On This Day - September 9, 1947

From The Times archive

French police prevented
Zionist extremists
from executing a plan to drop
leaflets and bombs on London

FURTHER details are published to-day of those arrested in connexion with the Zionist plot to drop leaflets and, it seems, bombs on London.

James Martinsky aroused the suspicions of the police some months ago, and in May a search was made of his hotel room. Arms, gelignite, and leaflets were found. At the same time an arms depot with which he was connected was found at Nanterre, in the Western outskirts of Paris.

News that the police had found a number of bombs is not confirmed, but plans have been discovered for the making of bombs from fire extinguishers.

Your Correspondent was shown to-day one of the tracts which were to have been dropped on London. It is a sheet of white paper, 11 in by 8 in., with the text printed in variegated lettering. Part of the text reads:- To the people of England! To the people whose Government proclaimed “Peace in our Time”. This is a warning! Your Government has dipped his Majesty’s crown in Jewish blood and polished it with Arab oil: “Out damned spot — out I say!” Your Government has violated every article of the Eretz-Israel mandate, flouted international law and invaded our country. We will strike with all the bitterness and fury of our servitude and bondage.

We are prepared to fight a war of liberation now to avoid a war of enslavement tomorrow. People of England! Press your Government to quit Eretz- Israel now! Demand that your sons and daughters return home or you may not see them again.

From The Times archive,
On This Day - September 9, 1947,
Times,
9.9.2005,
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,61-1771246,00.html

October 12, 1921

From the Guardian archive

Don't be too tragic about Ireland

Wednesday October 12, 1921

Guardian

The Anglo-Irish Conference duly met at Downing Street yesterday. We purposely express the fact in terms of nationality, because that is the point of view from which it can most usefully and truthfully be regarded.

But when people - Mr. De Valera is, we fear, one of them - talk about Englishmen being "foreigners" and about England as a foreign nation, politeness alone prevents us from telling them that in our opinion they talk nonsense. Irishmen are not and never will be Englishmen; even the Ulster and Orange brand is at bottom much more Irish than it is English. But on the other hand a bond, even an unwilling bond, and a continuous connection and inter-mixture going right back through the centuries to a point not so very far removed from the Norman Conquest of this island (which unfortunately was never completely extended to the outlying island) does not count for nothing.

Neither does the fact that Irishmen have played a great part in English history and literature, that we find ourselves very much at home in their land, and that they have made themselves very much at home in ours. Therefore we positively decline to recognise anything essentially foreign, and not even should they insist on addressing Mr. Lloyd George in the Irish language (which to some of them may sound less familiar than to that brother Celt) and calling in the service of an interpreter will they persuade us to regard them as unqualified aliens.

They come as representatives of a nation to present a national case. No doubt during the negotiations there may be a pretty heavy tug-of-war. But that is no reason for taking the matter too tragically.

The fundamental fact is that both peoples want to be friends, and friends in the end they will be.

Mr. Churchill has signalised himself quite recently by foolish talk about the "real war" that is to follow should the present negotiations fail, in contrast to the "mere bushranging" represented by the glorious achievements of our Black-and-Tans. [The Royal Irish Constabulary Reserve Force of 7,000 ex-soldiers, a byword for brutality.]

But Mr. Churchill, who is a realist as well an orator, knows quite well that nothing of the kind is going to happen, just because, whatever his own warlike aspirations may be - and he has given abundant and at times disastrous proof of them - they are not shared by the British people.

[The people] will not tolerate the renewal of the brutalities from which the truce has relieved us and cannot be lashed into any frenzy of hate or terror.

From the Guardian archive,
October 12, 1921,
Don't be too tragic about Ireland,
G,
Republished 12.10.2006,
https://www.theguardian.com/news/1921/oct/12/
mainsection.fromthearchive

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